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Good and Bad Court News, Terrible Silences, Helpful Support and Continuing Injustice and Crime in Loliondo and Ngorongoro

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Who can stop the cruel and lawless Tanzanian government, each day more determined to finish off the Maasai of Loliondo and Ngorongoro, and apparently all Tanzanians whose home, livelihood and culture depend on land that’s of interest to the greedy and destructive tourism industry?

 

The nightmare continues. Decades of land rights struggle in Loliondo could not protect the 1,500 km2 - essential for lives and livelihoods - from a government high on tourist cult and the blood of pastoralists, lobbied by OBC that organize hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai and that for many years have wanted their favourite hunting area taken from the Maasai and turned into a protected area, which has led to extrajudicial mass arson in 2009 and 2017, and a local police state full of fear, before the worst nightmare became real in 2022.

 

In June 2022, all councillors from affected wards were abducted right before the brutal and lawless demarcation started and locked up for over five months, charged with “murder” – without any attempt at prosecution, only postponements, until the case was dropped - together with people arrested for sharing pictures of the violence, but charged with “murder”, they toodetained without fair trial until the charges were dropped over five months later. Beacons were planted in a rain of teargas and bullets, security forces were beating, slashing with bayonets, cutting, raping, and arresting people. Thousands fled to Kenya, hundreds were arrested and 62 were charged with bogus immigration cases that were dismissed – without any prosecution - months later. The security forces destroyed houses, stole motorcycles and smartphones, seized and even shot livestock. Oriais Oleng'iyo who was last seen on 10th June 2022, with bullet wounds and held by security forces, has still not been brought back to his family, and the enforced disappearance case filed by his son was on 17th May 2023 dismissed by the judge, on ground that the police were likely not responsible for the operation but the Minister of Natural Resource and Tourism who was not sued in this enforced disappearance case.

 

To further finish off the Maasai, driving them into abject poverty, rangers have kept lawlessly seizing, fining, and even auctioning livestock. Some of the seized livestock are being slaughtered by the rangers. Though apparently these crimes have stopped in December. Partly because of fewer livestock in the area due to good rains, and hopefully because of legal action.

 

As reported in the previous blog post, the government keeps on disrespecting court orders after the High Court ruled that the “Pololeti Game Controlled Area” is null and void for two reasons: mandatory consultation was lacking, and the president's decision to on 14th October 2022 (when court cases against the minister’s GCA had already been filed) declare a “Pololeti Game Reserve” on the same land automatically repealed its status. And the operation of “Pololeti Game Reserve” is stopped by the court until determination of the case regarding the president’s GN, which means the Game Controlled Area is non-existent and operation of the Game Reserve has been stayed (suspended) by the Court pending determination of Misc Civil Cause No 18 of 2023.

 

Women in Ololosokwan have held a big protest that wasn’t reported about by anyone from this village!

 

Meanwhile, in the East African Court of Justice, the most demented ruling dismissed the contempt of court case (the one arising from Application No. 15 of 2017), but the appellate division allowed the retrial of the almost equally demented ruling that in September 2022 dismissed the case about the illegal mass arson operation of 2017.

 

Then OBC’s “journalist”, after achieving the long-lobbied for, brutal and illegal land alienation, is back with complaints on behalf of the “investor”.

 

In Ngorongoro division (Ngorongoro Conservation Area) – that should NOT be confused with Loliondo/Sale – insane restrictions, blocking of permits and harassment continue with the aim of making the Maasai relocate “voluntarily”, while propaganda about Msomera goes on.

 

On 14th December it was announced that the blood-soaked criminal Raymond Mwangwala has been transferred to Rombo district in Kilimanjaro region and new Ngorongoro DC is colonel Wilson Christian Sakullo, previously Missenyi DC. Good riddance! Only that every time I say this, the new DC is even worse …

 

Also on 14th December, the EU parliament passed a resolution in strong support of the Maasai of Loliondo and Ngorongoro. As expected, the government responded with more lies.

 

I will very soon publish a summary of the history of the Loliondo hunting block, for reference, since these terribly delayed blog posts are getting too long.

 

In this blog post:

Cattle rustling and auctioning scandal in court in Musoma

Other crime against livestock since the latest blog post

Women’s protest and men’s silence in Ololosokwan

OBC are still complaining, and their own private “journalist” is back

NCAA responds to the Jamhuri and proudly admits its cruellest crimes

Hooligan judges dismiss contempt of court application in the East African Court

A significant win in the appellate division of the East African Court of Justice

Other court cases

Sportswashing in the Serengeti

Denis Moses speaking at TEC meeting

The notorious Germans

Better German behaviour awarding Joseph Oleshangay

Ngorongoro division

COP28

The big green snake

Case against Sifa Bujune dismissed

EU parliament passes resolution in support of the Maasai

The usual government statement with shameless lies

RIP Michèle Rivasi

 Brief updates added at the end.

Rest in peace Lemayian ole Taiko


Most of these issues should have their separate blog post. There’s a lot more to say about all of them, and some are here mentioned  far too briefly. Some information is so vague or difficult to obtain that it is paralysing the blog.


I may/must add some more links and pictures after publishing the blog post.

A sight that upsets OBC and its "journalist".


 

Cattle rustling and auctioning scandal in court in Musoma

As mentioned in the previous (old!) blog post, on 26th October 2023, TANAPA rangers from Serengeti National Park (SENAPA) entered village land - illegally turned into a protected area in 2022, the operation of which is currently stopped by the High Court - in Kirtalo, Oloipiri and Loosoito/Maaloni to rustle cattle. Later it was reported that they also attacked Arash. The herders were forced at gunpoint to drive cattle, sheep and goats to the Lobo ranger post far inside the park, which took around four hours, and to build fences. When entering SENAPA, at the same time you leave Arusha region and enter Mara region, which is why the case is handed to a court at the other side of the national park, usually in Mugumu, which allegedly is more likely to order auctioning.

 

The following day, cattle owners, together with village and ward leaders, were held up at Klein’s gate until finally allowed to pay for a permit (they have the permit number) to enter SENAPA. At Lobo they met with a TANAPA/SENAPA representative called Shayo but were not allowed to count the livestock. Their main concern was about how to pay fines to have the livestock released. They had obviously not done anything wrong. The criminals were the TANAPA rangers, but there were calves at home, left without their mothers, and they needed to suckle. The agreement was that this Shayo was to check with his superiors, but after the owners and the local leaders left Lobo, he no longer answered his phone, and neither did any other TANAPA representatives. They went to the TANAPA offices in Serengeti where authorities refused to cooperate. Then they contacted the Ngorongoro MP Emmanuel Oleshangai.

 

Shangai on 29th October phoned and sent messages to Serengeti senior park warden Moronda Moronda and to the acting head of TANAPA Musa Kuji asking them how the livestock owners should go about paying the fines. He did not get any reply. The MP also asked if TANAPA had filed any court case, and Moronda replied that they were thinking about filing and would inform the MP about the court. Then Moronda stopped replying.

 

Shangai got in contact with Danstan Kitandula, Deputy Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism who asked him to send him a Whatsapp message with the details of the case so that he could follow up, which the MP did. The deputy minister did indeed follow up and informed Shangai that the SENAPA authorities had opened an investigation file in Mugumu and were the same day going to court to find out the procedures by which the livestock owners could pay for their own animals. The MP informed the livestock owners that they had to attend Mugumu Magistrate’s Court, but when the TANAPA/SENAPA officials found out that they were in Mugumu, they instead went to Musoma to file a case asking the court to auction off the livestock as unclaimed property. The livestock owners and local leaders heard about this at midnight and in the morning, they went to Musoma to ask if there was an ongoing livestock case, which court officials denied while preventing them from entering the courtroom. After five minutes, they saw SENAPA rangers leaving with a court broker called Maulid who was asked to announce that the livestock would be auctioned before 10am on 31st October.

 


The MP was communicating with the Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism, Angellah Kairuki, who sent him a message that 806 cows, 420 sheep and 100 goats had been seized in Serengeti NP and there was a case in the High Court. This number did not correspond with what the livestock owners knew, which was 1033 cattle and 750 sheep and goats. They had found out that the rangers had been selling livestock since 27th October and that was the reason that they were not allowed to count them at Lobo.

 

On 31st October, the Resident Magistrate Court in Musoma, Magistrate Marley (Application Case No. 10 o 2023) ordered the auctioning of the livestock held at Lobo as unclaimed property. The livestock owners sought and got a stop order from Judge Komba at the High Cort in Musoma on 1st November. Despite this, Maulid Court Broker went on to auction off the remaining cattle! As seen by the communication with Shangai, the Minister and Deputy minister of Natural Resources and Tourism were being informed of what was taking place.

 


On 7th November,Shangai spoke up in parliament about the ongoing crimes against pastoralists all over the country and specifically about Loliondo/Sale and NCA. On 8th November several human rights and indigenous rights organizations issued a statement against the violations of pastoralists' rights and violations of court orders. On 9th November MP Shangai told the press of his questions regarding the cattle rustling rangers. His impression was that the rangers themselves were buying the livestock and sabotaging the president’s effort in her fight against poverty, precipitating the pastoralists into acute poverty. Such talk about the president is somewhat embarrassing when it’s crystal clear that it’s her personal anti-pastoralism and tourism cult that has led to this situation that’s worse than ever before. Despite being unable to free himself from the big green snake, CCM, Shangai has repeatedly defended his constituency in parliament. Though I’ve been told that his behaviour outside parliament is less impressive.

 

Minister Angellah Kairuki (I have earlier misspelt her name as “Kariuki”) and Speaker Tulia Ackson on 9th November largely acknowledged what the Ngorongoro MP has said, while adding that it was an ongoing court case and they needed to follow up to be able to say anything about the allegations.

 

On 10th November Judge Komba delivered a ruling at the High Court in Musoma (Criminal Revision No. 8 of 2023). Since there were no receipts, there was no evidence that auctioning had taken place – I’ve been told that the rangers must now present the livestock that were indeed sold, but without evidence - and the judge found that procedures had not been followed since the respondents were in a hurry to auction off the livestock. He reversed the auctioning order of 31st October and ordered the matter to be heard interparty (instead of exparty when the livestock owners were not present, or actually avoided). Since that I’ve been totally unable to obtain any updates about the Musoma case. Someone mentioned having heard that it was being conducted in writing since 6th December, but otherwise there’s just a terrible silence, and promises of information that I can’t wait for any longer.

 

On 12th November, the press was invited when people of Mondorosi village handed over 95 cows and 339 goats/sheep to villagers whose livestock have been stolen on 26th October and auctioned off.  260 (210?) cattle belonging to the boma of Mzee Lengume have been taken, in the Orkimbai area of Kirtalo, precipitating 17 households into acute poverty. Mondorosi, as a village, is not one of those that have lost land to the illegal 1,502 km2 protected area, but still depend on this stolen land. Mondorosi (and Sukenya) has a problem with the American company Thomson Safaris claiming an “Enashiva Nature Refuge” on its land. The village chairman Joshua Makko spoke up with seriousness on the 12th, like he for years and under threat used to speak up about Thomson Safaris, until he was compromised in 2017.

 

Mondorosi

Auctioning of cattle is the worst kind of tragedy. From what I’ve understood, it’s much worse than getting deep into debt – there are opportunistic lenders specializing in this – by paying illegal and extortionate “fines”, and maybe even worse than losing the land, since the land isn’t taken away, but will be returned at the same time as justice returns, and can be accessed at night, when rangers for any reason are less aggressive, or when temporary court orders are respected.

 

This is not the first case of auctioning by rangers. The first time in Loliondo was in September 2017 and previously unheard of in a district with pastoralist majority. Though that time many of the victims bought their own cattle. There was a terrible case in December 2022, affecting Arash, failed attempts by rangers from the Bologonja ranger post earlier this year, and the same ranger crime is committed in other areas of Tanzania. TANAPA rangers from Ruaha National Park are apparently the worst and have also a habit of killing herders! On 28th October, Zengo Dotto from Mwanawala in Mbarali district was shot to death when attempting to stop Ruaha NP rangers from driving cattle into the national park. In 2020, Zengo’s brother Ulandi was murdered in the same way.

 

Other crime against livestock since the latest blog post

As reported in the previous blog post, after the minister’s GN declaring a “Pololeti GCA” was on 19th September found null and void by the High Court, following the president’s GN declaring a “Pololeti GR” (which must be declared null and void for the same reasons) was on 18th August stayed of operation (suspended) until determination of the case, the Tanzanian government has been committing blatant contempt of court also against these orders.

 

The NCAA (Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority, that's managing the stolen land in Loliondo/Sale) rangers - assisted by Serengeti rangers – continued illegally seizing livestock in November, but in December I haven’t heard of any cases. Judging from previous silences this does not necessary mean that such crimes are no longer being committed, but now I have been told that livestock are indeed no longer being seized. Since there have been good rains and there’s grass elsewhere, not that many are on the brutally stolen land, so it’s difficult to know if legal action has finally had an any impact on NCAA, or not.

 

The loss of livestock and impoverishment has been horrible in Loliondo after most of the grazing land, and particularly dry season grazing land, was stolen by the government right before the bad dry season of 2022, expecting the Maasai to just squeeze into remaining areas where there’re two towns with district headquarters, agricultural areas, forest reserves, and Thomson Safaris’ ugly land grab. Many have got into terrible debt since first TAWA rangers and then those from NCAA (after the illegal protected area was placed under their management), assisted by police and Serengeti rangers, have been extorting from livestock owners a demented 100,000 TShs per head of cattle and 25,000 per sheep or goat for grazing on their own land. Grazing has only been possible like thieves at night, when large predators become a much more acute threat than at daytime. After the High Court ruling on 19th September 2023, daytime grazing started again.

 

As mentioned (see previous blog post,) the government issued its own malicious interpretation of the court orders. In short, this consisted of claiming that the stay of operation of the “Pololeti Game Reserve” meant that the land reverted to Loliondo Game Controlled Area and – to the malicious part – this would mean that grazing of livestock was not permitted without a special permit from the director of wildlife. Loliondo GCA has always been village land and never restricted human activities. The government’s “reasoning” would imply that everyone in Wasso and Loliondo towns, not least the DC, should be arrested for trespassing. The statement with this “interpretation” was signed by Prisca J. Ulomi from the office of the attorney general who was then sued for contempt of court together with ex-DC Raymond Mwangwala, “Pololeti” “conservator” Pius Rwiza, Robert Laizer, in charge of the rangers at Lengijape, Arash and David Mkenga who’s in charge of the rangers at Klein’s gate, Ololosokwan.

 

On 27th October, the government tried its malicious interpretation in court. The Director of Public Prosecutions sought to auction off 48 heads of cattle, 304 sheep and 350 goats that has been seized grazing in Loliondo Game Controlled Area, village land in Arash. This application was withdrawn on 1st November since it had no legal ground at all. Instead, the hurried auctioning of livestock in contempt of court went on in Musoma (see above).

 

On 28th October, high numbers of cattle were seized in Malambo, Irkarian and Sanjan by the criminal NCAA rangers, and released after extortionate “fees” were paid.

 

In Ndutu, Ngorongoro division (NCA, not Loliondo/Sale), on 1st November, rangers attempted to drive cattle into Serengeti. Herders that first were hiding when they saw the NCAA vehicle approaching got out to stop the crime and the rangers instead arrested five warriors that were released after paying 300,000 TShs.

 

On 6th November, the NCAA cattle rustling rangers again seized cattle in Ololosokwan and Arash. Some 1,000 cows that I think were released after “fines” were paid. On 10th November, the rangers seized some 100 cows in Arash ward, but released them after being given a bribe of 2 million TShs.

 

On 29th November, I got a photo of cattle that had been seized in Ololosokwan, but without any information on exactly where, how, or whose. Then there have been no more reports.


 

In a statement regarding an article in the Jamhuri, on 28th November (see below), NCAA was boasting about between January and November 2023 having seized 6,165 goats and sheep, 13,217 heads of cattle, and extorted 785,475,000 TShs in “fines”.

 

Women’s protest and men’s silence in Ololosokwan

7th-11th December, hundreds of women in Ololosokwan held protests about the theft of land and livestock, and some 1000 cattle that had been detained for over a week. This was after all literate on the ground activists had gone silent in social media. The latest information I got was vague, so vague that it’s unusable, and about cattle seized on 29th November. According to a clip that was later shared, the women had been struggling for three days to convey their problem to the public. In large number they had even blocked the road. Nobody on the ground in Ololosokwan could have missed their protests – but still none of the social media dwellers from Ololosokwan reported anything – and they are many and all male. Only one of the braver kind of NGO representatives (from Ngorongoro division, not Ololosokwan or even Loliondo) shared the clip on Twitter on 16th December, but without detailing from when it was. Though it had subtitles in English and was obviously meant to be shared internationally, when it wasn't even shared by anyone from the village ... I tried in vain to get in touch with him, but he was not online. The mention of Bologonja where cattle were locked up earlier this year, and the fact that nobody else was sharing the clip, or sharing any information at all, made me unsure. On the 19th a newsletter in English by some NGO people (I don’t know exactly who) detailed that the protests were held 7th– 11th December, which made me madly furious about the silence. Then I’ve got some “explanations” that are so confused that I can’t even write about them, or maybe it’s I that don’t understand.

 


OBC are still complaining, and their own private “journalist” is back

On 21st November, the “journalist” Manyerere Jackton in the Jamhuri newspaper, as he’s done in over 60 articles, was again writing about Loliondo on behalf of OBC. Since around 2010, with increased activity when Kagasheki’s threat was stopped in 2013, and whenever OBC long-time plan to have the Maasai evicted from the 1,500km2 of grazing land was felt as endangered, and with apparent contented silence when major human rights crimes were being committed, this “journalist” has viciously incited against the Maasai as destructive and non-Tanzanian, and published lists of hundreds of Maasai, private individuals, that his sources regard as “Kenyan”. Jackton has gone as far as claiming that 70% of the Loliondo Maasai are not Tanzanian. He has in the most deranged way slandered anyone suspected of being able to speak up for land rights. Besides running OBC’s errands, he’s filled up his articles with his own fabrications, sometimes for no apparent reason at all. Around 2016-2018, he was openly boasting about being directly involved in illegal arrests of innocent people and used to send me triumphant one-liners when someone had been arrested. After OBC’s director Isaack Mollel in 2019 was locked up in remand prison and extorted for plea bargaining, Jackton was much toned down, and after Mollel was out and back at work, the plan of getting rid of the Maasai had already started to look more promising, and there were no longer many articles.

 


OBC, after having achieved the brutal and totally lawless eviction of the Maasai from the preferred hunting area, and the creation of a fake and illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve”, have again obviously directed themselves with complaints to their own personal “journalist”. Apparently OBC don’t feel they are being appreciated enough and the worry is that NCAA, that are managing the illegal protected area since September 2022, are favouring other investors, namely &Beyond (Klein’s Camp) and Taasa Lodge. This is all a squabble between spoilt criminals operating on brutally and illegally stolen land. They must all be chased away when the land is returned!

 

The South African &Beyond used to have a contract with Ololosokwan, that was basically legit, but more problematic than described by some neoliberal researchers that have since become even worse. &Beyond (CC Africa) got hold of 25,000 acres (101km2) fraudulently grabbed by another investor in the early 1990s. In 1999 they handed back the land to the village and instead leased it, which even when the government and OBC saw the contract as “illegal” went on until the brutal and illegal demarcation as a protected area in 2022. There have sometimes been emergencies when &Beyond was perceived to be scheming something, elite capture, or when they’ve wanted the whole area, and not only around the camp to be free of livestock. Now Klein’s camp is found in the fake and illegal game reserve and fees are no longer being paid to the village.

 

Taasa Lodge (formerly Buffalo Luxury Camp) were operating in a more illegitimate way. In 1982, a supposed tourism investor called Jubilate Munis grabbed 60 acres (0.24km2) of Ololosokwan village land and then he disappeared. In 2007, appeared the presumed brothers Ally Msami and Hussein Ali claiming to be the sons of Jubilate Munis, which was highly unlikely, but they became friends with the councillor at the time, stayed despite of protests and built Buffalo Luxury Camp, managed by Unique Safaris. They entered a partnership with the two Americans Jim Roane and Peter Taunton. There was a disagreement, including a court case, and eventually Ally and Hussein left Buffalo Luxury Camp that changed its name to Taasa Lodge. Taasa started scheming to obtain a lease for a 7,000 acres (28km2) private concession from Ololosokwan village, working with the village government and employing many local people. For some time in late 2017, they were lying to their clients that they already had such a concession. However, that kind of lease was already before the massive illegal land alienation in 2022, simply not compatible with local pastoralists' livelihoods, and Taasa were directed to use the same area as &Beyond. Now, when writing this blog post, I had a look at their website, and saw that they are lying that they are operating in a WMA! I also discovered that I’m blocked from Taasa’s Facebook page. Other problems with this investor are reports of involvement in the seizing of livestock, which the manager, Melau Laltalia (a Maasai from Makame in Kiteto) denies in private messages. Like &beyond. Taasa are now operating in the fake and illegal game reserve. Apparently, representatives from Ololosokwan have managed to meet the owner Jim Roane and the Tanzania director Ian le Roux to complain about the manager’s work as a government informant about livestock and threats against local leaders, and they are waiting for feedback.

 


In short, since it’s not what I should be losing my time on, OBC’s complaint that’s put forward by Manyerere Jackton in the article, is that they have the hunting block, that’s now reduced to the brutally and illegally demarcated game reserve just like they’ve been lobbying for since at least 2009, and no tourism investors should be operating there without their permit, but this is something they were complaining about long before they got their illegal game reserve. Further, some NCAA people, during the illness of the terribly cruel, anti-Maasai former chief conservator Freddy Manongi, are supposed to have presented a zoning proposal that would reduce the area where hunting is allowed to “only” 799 km2. The “journalist” claims to have talked with the new chief conservator Richard Kiiza and with the Permanent Secretary of Natural Resources and Tourism, Hassan Abbas, but that those two haven’t heard anything about such a zoning proposal. Further, Jackton claims that sources from the ministry have told him that OBC’s yearly fee has been raised from 60,000 US dollars for the 4,000 km2 Loliondo GCA to 500,000 US dollars for the 1,500 km2 “Pololeti GR”, to discourage the investor, who was not discouraged. That raise seems cheap for the government breaking every law and violating every human right to accommodate OBC’s long-term wish for a 1,500km2 game reserve. OBC’s director Mollel is quoted saying that the fees have been paid, but that OBC are not being granted their “rights” via any letter of recognition. Apparently, they have now got a lease of 15 years, starting January 2023. Remember that in 1993, 10 years was a scandal …

 

Most worrying is that Jackton writes that &Beyond claim the right to use 250 km2 in the Klein’s area, leaving 57 km2 to Taasa that will have the right to extend this when a WMA is started in Ololosokwan! A WMA is the last thing needed. The stolen land must be returned, not increased with a WMA! Further, he writes that Taasa are expecting this WMA! And indeed, on their website they already pretend to be operating in a WMA. Like &Beyond, they also want Klein’s airstrip reopened and a permit to do night game drives as in the past. The spoilt criminals according to the “journalist”, even have the audacity to ask about “their” 60 acres. Judging by this “article”, only OBC seem to have some sense (!), saying that a WMA will be difficult due to differing attitudes among villagers.

 

It's telling that neither & Beyond nor Taasa, while they can complain about Klein’s airstrip, have one word to say about the brutal land alienation and human rights violations. Not even in Jackton's imagination have they got any complaint, or he would otherwise use it against them.

 

Manyerere Jackton obviously speaks for OBC, but usually adding what he thinks will please this investor, filling out with details that often are unnecessarily incorrect and even apparently irrelevant free flowing fabrications. I’m not getting much help with analysing. I’m just told that OBC want TAWA instead of NCAA, while another person told me that they (the investors) are fooling us all, and there’s no real disagreement, if I understood correctly.

 

It could also be a case that official and unofficial OBC staff, central government representatives in Loliondo included, want to stir things up, as they used to do, implying that only OBC care for the environment, but are not being sufficiently appreciated – to increase the flow of funds from Dubai. Such stirring up has repeatedly led to a worsened human rights situation.

 

NCAA responds to the Jamhuri and proudly admits its cruellest crimes

In the 28th November to December 4th issue of the Jamhuri, Manyerere Jackton continued with the same complaints on behalf of his cry-baby billionaire protégées. The focus was even more on how everything had deteriorated after NCAA took over management of the brutally and lawlessly created “Pololeti Game Reserve”, and how OBC isn’t properly appreciated. The journalist goes on about how NCAA has introduced other investors that aren’t paying fees, how security against poaching and other crimes has declined after NCAA took over, even when OBC have continued supporting anti-poaching and gifted NCAA with three Landcruisers, that tourists are entering illegally from Kenya, that the “game reserve” is full of livestock, and that OBC aren’t even mentioned on NCAA’s road signs. He claims that before NCAA took over there was wildlife everywhere, rhinos included. Obviously, Manyerere Jackton also agrees with the government’s very malicious and illogical interpretation of the ruling in the High Court and says that NGO activists and livestock owners are encouraging illegal grazing. While I could not get hold of the article until it was uploaded by the paper, NCAA issued a reply already the same day.

 


NCAA (correctly) says that the investors are the three that were there when they were granted the management on 23rd August 2022 and that all of them are paying taxes and fees, that there isn’t any evidence of Kenyan tourists, since the border crossings aren’t for tourists, that only those in charge can know how many rangers there are, but the numbers of seized livestock speak clearly.  NCAA deny any poaching and say that the only “crime” is invading livestock.  The vile criminals literally boast about between January and November 2023 having seized 6,165 goats and sheep, 13,217 heads of cattle, and extorted 785,475,000 TShs in “fines”. I suppose that this does not include livestock released after lower on-the-spot “fines”.

 




Hooligan judges dismiss contempt of court application in the East African Court

On 15th November, in just one minute, the judges in the first instance division in the East African Court of Justice dismissed Application No.2 of 2022, a contempt of court application arising from Application No. 15 of 2017, filed in September 2017, during the brutal and illegal mass arson operation on village land that started in August 2017. There was no explanation, but a “reasoned” version of the ruling was promised for 30th November.

 

On 25th September 2018 – a year after the illegal operation that went on from 13th August to 26th October 2017 with arson, beatings, rape, arrests, seizure of cattle, and blocking of grazing areas and water sources in a very bad drought - the court finally … issued an injunction restraining the government from evictions, destruction, and harassment of the applicants. Never has contempt of court been more crystal clear than in the violation of this injunction. The application was filed in January 2022 when Arusha RC Mongella had issued public and vociferous threats about the 1,500km2 of village land and “painful decisions for the wider interest of the nation”. The attempts by then DED Mhina of intimidating village chairpersons to withdraw Reference No.10 of 2017, the main case concerning the mass arson of that year, were included. Then supplementary affidavits were filed after the threats were implemented in the worst way imaginable. Though there were very serious violations already in November and December 2018 when soldiers working for OBC burned bomas in Kirtalo and Ololosokwan, and the threat in the NCA Multiple Land Use Model review proposal, presented in September 2019 by chief conservator Manongi, was very specific indeed about the 1,500km2 in Loliondo, detailing both a protected area in two parts and an annexation to NCAA, which is how the land theft was brutally committed in 2022.

 

The “reasoned” version of the ruling was on the affidavits presented in January 2022, excluding those about the brutal and lawless land theft, for procedural reasons. Still, the contempt of court is clear, but the judges, for reasons known to themselves, ruled that it was not. Even worse, the applicants’ lawyers were NEVER given a chance to argue the application in court! There was a hearing in Kampala in November 2022, in which the government came up with nonsense preliminary objections that the court was to rule on. Instead, a year later, the judges ruled on the merits of the application that had never been argued in court! Why? Are they lazy and unconcerned and just wanted to get rid of the case, or underfunded and overwhelmed? The slowness of this regional court makes it seem as if it almost not operational. One of the judges, as in the demented ruling on Reference No.10 of 2017 was Nyachae who’s the son of an infamous grabber of Maasai land in Kenya.

 

This ruling was even stupider than the one that dismissed Reference No.10 of 2017, and which the appellate division has now sent back to the trial court.

 

A significant win in the appellate division of the East African Court of Justice

On 29th November, the Appellate Division of the East African Court of Justice allowed Appeal No.13 of 2022 and remitted Reference No.10 of 2017 back to the trial court. The court also awarded costs to the applicants. The government must pay for it all – both the appeal and the 2017 case.

 

The Appellate Division found that the First Instance Division erred in failing to consider most of the appellants’ evidence in the form of applications and oral testimonies, including rejecting their expert witness. The issues that will be determined are:

-Whether the eviction was conducted in Serengeti National Park or their respective villages.

-Whether the acts, omissions and conduct of the respondent violated the EAC Treaty.

-The remedies the parties are entitled to.

 

I still – while it’s good news indeed - have some problems with the ruling by the appellate division. It describes the case as a conflict about the boundary of Serengeti National Park when that boundary is known by everyone and described in detail in GN No.235 of 1968. There have been some ugly attempts by TANAPA of moving boundaries, trying to create illegal buffer zones, but the main conflict is about the 1,500km2 of village land that was brutally and lawlessly stolen in 2022 and where over 241 bomas were arsoned in 2017. Not that the national park was correctly or fairly created, but that’s another issue, for another time. Turning the case into a question about Serengeti was an afterthought by the government, that was just accepted unquestioningly.

 

The Attorney General’s reply to the case in November 2017, instead of lies about Serengeti, was based on the lie that the 1,500 km2 had been turned into the kind of protected area which it was brutally and illegally turned into, several years later, in 2022. This was also the lie that was being told by then Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism, Jumanne Maghembe, during the illegal 2017 mass arson, while the DC and the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism were not hiding the fact that the operation was illegally taking place in a boundary area on village land, but saying that it didn’t have anything to do with the 1,500km2, since PM Majaliwa was to make a decision about that, but that people were entering Serengeti “too easily”.

 

My guess is that the change of lie was caused by PM Majaliwa’s announcement in December 2017, not denying the village land, but setting out a new strategy of taking it from the Maasai via a “legal bill” and a “special authority”, about which not much more was heard, and instead in 2022 the land was stolen via a military attack and a concerted, demented terra nullius lie that it was an uninhabited protected area since colonial times. Though, as mentioned, there were differing stories within the government already during the 2017 mass arson, but nobody was then claiming that bomas were only being razed in the national park.

 

The now overturned ruling was accompanied by strange and chaotic behaviour by the judges. It was first scheduled for 22nd June 2022, amid government extreme brutality and lawlessness in violation of the interim orders issued on 25th September 2018, but just the day before there was a last-minute postponement to September 2022.

 

When the ruling finally was to be read, the court ordered journalists to be stopped from recording. The principal judge wasn’t present. Nyachae – whose father is an infamous grabber of Maasai land in Kenya – read the ruling, that was also presided by Audace Ngiye, and the judges Richard Muhumuza and Richard Wejuli, who didn’t mention their particulars, and never presided during the hearing of the case. Reportedly, there was one more unknown judge. With all this extra time for writing it, the ruling didn’t mention the court’s own interim orders, only considered a few Maasai witnesses whose testimonies it found contradicting and insufficient, but without mentioning the extreme contradiction between the attorney general in 2017 and the government witnesses in 2018. The ruling mentions that one of the Maasai witnesses said he was acting chairperson of “Kilolo” village and was informed that homesteads had been destroyed in “Olototokum” village. Such villages don’t exist but refer to “Oloirien” and “Ololosokwan” respectively. Did anyone even understand what the witnesses were saying?

 

The judges (in September 2022) dismissed Reference No.10 of 2017 Ololosokwan Village Council & 3 Others versus the Attorney General of the United Republic of Tanzania, since they found that the Maasai had failed to prove that the evictions operation in 2017 took place on village land and not in Serengeti National Park, as claimed by the government’s witnesses in 2018.

 

Such a ruling should just not have been possible when even the government’ own, very public, documents so clearly show that the 2017 illegal mass arson was indeed committed in the 1,500 km2 area of village land:

-The DC’s official order.

-The press statement by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism.

-The 2017 operation map by TANAPA, very clearly.

-The DC quoted in the anti-Maasai press.

-And the attorney general’s response to Reference No. 10 of 2017 in November the same year.

These issues are not mentioned in the ruling in the appellate division, or by hardly anyone … They are just what’s driving me mad.

 


Only one ruling has ever been evenstupider and that was the one dismissing Application No.2 of 2022, the contempt of court case, on 15th (and 30th…) November this year (see above).

 

But now there will be a re-trial of the 2017 case, when an even worse atrocity was committed in 2022, and is ongoing.

 

Other court cases

In the East African Court of Justice there are also the cases Reference No. 37 of 2022 Megweri Mako & 5 Others vs. Attorney General of Tanzania regarding “Pololeti Game Controlled Area” and Reference No. 29 of 2022 Thadeus Clamian vs. Attorney General of Tanzania regarding illegal and suffocating restrictions in Ngorongoro Conservation Area. There is not yet anything scheduled for these two cases.

 

As mentioned, the ruling in Misc. Civil Cause No. 21 Of 2022 Ndalamia Taiwap & 4 Others vs. Attorney General & Minister for Natural Resources & Tourism was that “Pololeti GCA” is null and void, since mandatory consultation was lacking, and the president's decision to on 14th October 2022 (when court cases against the minister’s GCA had already been filed) declare a “Pololeti Game Reserve” on the same land automatically repealed its status.

 

Misc. Civil Cause No. 178 of 2022 Latang’amwaki Ndwati & 7 Others vs. Attorney General  regarding the president’s GN No.604 of 2022 declaring a “Pololeti Game Reserve” was on 22nd August allowed to continue and operation of the GN is stopped until the case is determined (which the government is totally disrespecting). The government has filed forged documents about “consultation” when establishing the “game reserve” and several local leaders have filed affidavits rebutting such forgeries.

 

The contempt of court case against:

-Ngorongoro DC Raymond Mwangwala (now transferred to Rombo).

-“Pololeti” “conservator” Pius Rwiza.

-Prisca J. Ulomi, Head of the Government Communication Unit, who signed the letter from the attorney general’s office with the government’s “interpretation” of the ruling.

-Robert Laizer, in charge of the rangers at Lengijape, Arash.

-David Mkenga, in charge of the rangers at Klein’s gate, Ololosokwan

That’s Miscellaneous Civil Application No. 106 of 2023, whichhas been postponed to 22nd January 2024. Meanwhile, the Attorney General has filed Misc. Application No 204 of 2023 with intent to be joined in the contempt of court application, to defend those sued.

 

The ruling in the Oriais Oleng’iyo enforced disappearance case is being appealed.

 

I keep screaming for updates about the Musoma case (see above).

 

Sportswashing in the Serengeti

On 8th November, the Oakland Institute called out a case of “sportswashing” of the Tanzanian government’s human rights violations against the Maasai of Ngorongoro and Loliondo. A luxury tour of Serengeti and Ngorongoro 1st-8th December 2023, for 120 high-paying tourists with the attraction of a tennis match with John and Patrick McEnroe. Initially a gala dinner with President Samia was supposed to be included, but she was substituted by Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Angellah Kairuki. The president was again in Dubai. This time for COP28. Already in February, according to PR material, she made some glowing comments about this tour, but I haven’t found out where and to whom she did this.

 

Carl Shepard, CEO of the company organizing the “Epic Tanzania Tour”, Insider Expeditions, when contacted by Oakland talked about having the support of “longstanding elders of the tribe” but did not respond to Oakland’s follow-up email about these leaders.

 

My first reaction was that it is how tourists and tourism companies have behaved since forever and for a decade and a half only I have been upset about it, or so it feels, but this was indeed a special case for the quite direct partnership with the brutal authoritarian government and for the fact that the war against the Maasai is worse than ever. And the high-level attraction added by John and Patrick McEnroe, even if I had never heard about Patrick and only knew about John because of temper tantrums in the 1980s, to people with some interest in tennis they are legends. In November, Insider Expeditions had a similar tour, with 150 luxury tourists, but without tennis. This too was covered by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism social media and the most embarrassing government praise team. Initially these tourists were described as “investors”, but later changed to “special tourists”.

 

McEnroe never replied, but his manager did, and told the press (USA Today) that John “does not want to get into politics”. The tour went ahead as planned, except that the president did not attend the gala dinner. Too much has been happening and I’ve not properly followed up. At least one Maasai from Ngorongoro participated in the sportswashing, but sadly we are used to that kind of people. In his speech at the gala dinner, McEnroe mentioned having received a call from President Biden who for his 81st birthday wanted nothing more than to come to the Serengeti to watch John and Patrick play. Then he added, “if you believe that, I’ll tell you another story”, before continuing in a more expected manner. Maybe that was a way of distancing himself from the political propaganda he was contracted to exhibit. I don’t know. Minister Kairuki reposted the clip on Twitter and her ministry posted it on Instagram with pictures of Biden added.

 





Is Insider Expeditions really the company organizing these repulsive, government involved, tours, or are they taking too much credit? The Tanzanian Gosheni Safaris is clearly the ground handler, their vehicles can be seen in pictures and video clips, but Insider Expeditions aren’t mentioning them anywhere. Neither are Gosheni mentioning Insider Expeditions anywhere but describe this luxury tennis safari as powered by themselves, KLM and Serengeti National Park.

 

While it didn’t stop anything, Oakland’s alert will certainly have made some new prospective tourists question what exactly is going on in Tanzania. Unlike what most may say, and what it looks like inside our filter bubble, not many people around the world have heard about the Tanzanian government’s war against the Maasai. Much less is it understood how absolutely central tourism is to this war. Defenders of land alienation and human rights violations fervently adhere to “the broader interest of the nation”, with great hypocrisy linking contrived environmental concerns to the target of 5 million tourists by 2025, and religiously (this word is not an exaggeration) referring to The Royal Tour – a cheesy travel show, described as “authoritarian image management” by the researcher Alex Dukalskis, and which in its Tanzania episode starred President Samia – as responsible for any increase in tourists numbers. For such people the “Tanzania Epic Tour” is an extension of The Royal Tour, which was of course also mentioned by Minister Kairuki at the two gala dinners.

 

The case for a total tourism boycott on Tanzania is very strong, but most potential tourists just don’t know what’s going on and I’m not so sure that they would care when they don’t even care about climate change. However informed they may otherwise be, the “because I’m worth it”-feeling is stronger, and when it comes to Africa they are fed with how beneficial their entitled, wasteful behaviour is for so-called “communities” and for conservation. Still, we should call for a boycott to raise some awareness, and to rattle the blood-soaked Tanzanian government.

 

By the way, a little over a decade ago an academic asked me about university alumni tours using Thomson Safaris and I made him a list. I thought he was planning something, but after thanking me, I never again, to this day, heard from him (which probably had other reasons than my list).

 

Denis Moses speaking at TEC meeting

From 7th to 8th December 2023, Tanzania Episcopal Conference held a human rights conference in Dar es Salaam and extended invitation to the Maasai community representatives. At TEC, the lawyer Denis Moses Oleshangay talked extensively and eloquently about Ngorongoro, Msomera and Loliondo. The Catholic Church is one of the organizations most supportive of the Maasai, with some exceptions. TEC's Secretary General Dr. Charles Kitima said that the church will stand by the Maasai until the last one is forced out by the government.

 

The notorious Germans

As repeatedly reported in this blog with a bit more of detail than here, Germany has through the decades supported the worst crimes by the Tanzanian Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, or through Frankfurt Zoological Society, actually instigated crime, and not less so in the escalation of the war against the Maasai the past years. In March 2022, the Ministry reported that the then German ambassador Regine Hess had said that she supported the Tanzanian government’s efforts in Ngorongoro. Hess never denied this publicly, and then she went on to, during the military attack against the Maasai of Loliondo, on 6th July 2022, meet with one of the main criminals and implementors, Arusha RC Mongella to talk about “cooperation” between the two countries. Germany kept showering Tanzania with money and in an elaborate ceremony in December 2022, with the criminals PM Majaliwa and Minister Chana, Hess handed over 51 vehicles for the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism. On 3rd August 2023, while boasting about being the biggest bilateral donor in the sector, the Germans showered the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism with 120 million Euros to keep making people cry in “mainly the regions Serengeti, Ngorongoro, Selous and Nyerere as well as Katavi Mahale National Parks and Corridor and Ruvuma Region.”

 


In the most open aggression against the Maasai, the Germans, through FZS, funded and facilitated the draft Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2023-2043 to legitimize and further worsen, the massive, brutal and illegal Loliondo land alienation of 2022, and to without any details or explanations present a similar land grab at Lake Natron, while presenting the whole of NCA as a “reserved area” that should have a 500-metre “buffer zone”. Despite threats, the Ngorongoro councillors have now twice rejected this plan.

 

In October the German president Frank-Walter Steinmeier visited Tanzania and apologized for colonial atrocities and mass murder over a century ago, which is good, but exasperating at the same time as Germany funds and facilitates current colonial-style atrocities. Though apologizing for old atrocities while enthusiastically supporting current atrocities seems the be the German modus operandi everywhere.

 

In connection with a field visit organised by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ), Maasai representatives were informed by BMZ, KfW (German development bank) that they had visited Loliondo and met with government representatives and community, but it has not been possible to verify it. This was in late September, but I haven’t written about it, since it wasn't supposed to be written about, which some did anyway. The Maasai were also informed that the Germans have stopped funding of Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2023-2043. This is a “little” bit late when the councillors have already rejected it twice despite of openly pronounced threats by the DC. I hope they won’t fund a new plan but am not too optimistic. The Germans must stop funding any land use planning in Tanzania, particularly in Loliondo, and FZS must not be near where land use is being planned, anywhere.

 

Since the 2017 case is mentioned in this blog post, also remember that in March that year, Minister Maghembe and Serengeti chief park warden Mwakilema were telling a co-opted standing parliamentary committee that German funds would only be released on condition of turning the 1,500 km2 into a protected area. In Loliondo 600 women demonstrated against accepting the German money and the district council decided to follow their advice. Then while Loliondo was attacked by mass arson implemented by Serengeti rangers – FZS’s partners - in August 2017, a most revolting picture was published of the German ambassador at that time, Detlef Wächter. The picture showed Wächter smilingly handing over buildings for park staff in Fort Ikoma, in Serengeti National Park, to Minister Maghembe, while commenting on the long and successful partnership between Germany and Tanzania in protecting the Serengeti.

 

Better German behaviour awarding Joseph Oleshangay

On 10th December 2023, the lawyer Joseph Moses Oleshangay from Endulen – one of those more likely to call a spade a spade about Loliondo and Ngorongoro, and tirelessly dedicating his time to most of the many court cases, received the Weimar Human Rights Award in place in the town of the same name in Germany. Joseph was nominated by Gesellschaft für bedrohte Völker for his efforts in advocating for the rights of the Maasai community in Tanzania. The award ceremony was livestreamed, mostly in German. Joseph certainly spoke of both the dark legacy of Bernhard Grzimek and of how German taxpayers’ money is being used. I don’t understand much German, but think I understood that these issues were also mentioned by speakers at the award ceremony.

 


Ngorongoro division

As mentioned repeatedly in this blog and elsewhere, but still ignored by far too many Tanzanians, in Ngorongoro division, which is the same as Ngorongoro Conservation Area the government with restrictions on every aspect of life, and illegal blocking of social services is attempting to make the Maasai “voluntarily” relocate to other people’s land, with heavy media propaganda about Msomera in Handeni – is NOT the same as Loliondo/ Sale divisions where 1,500km2 have been stolen and people and livestock are supposed to squeeze into remaining land. Loliondo/Sale have nothing to do with Msomera.

 

As detailed in several previous blog posts, in August there was a manhunt and mass arrests in Endulen ward, Ngorongoro division, after a week of protests to demand a permit to renovate the badly cracked Nasipooriong’ Primary School, and by extension the blocking of all such permits since 2021, and the government provocateur and genocidal inciter, Habib Mchange, was chased away from Endulen market. Those arrested were held incommunicado for several days, many were tortured, and all were questioned about why they were refusing to relocate to Msomera. Even the MP, Emmanuel Oleshangai, was arrested/abducted and held incommunicado for two nights. Later, when Tundu Lissu was blocked from visiting Ngorongoro division on 9th September there were huge protests led by women and the presence of the Field Force Unit was heavily increased. Glory Julius was arrested and badly beaten. Still, those who were arrested must report at Karatu Police Station every four days as a means of harassment and sabotage to make them lose time and money.

 

 

COP28

Over 700 Tanzanian “representatives” went to COP28 in Dubai. It’s not my area of expertise, but I fear many of them are aiming at benefitting from carbon offsets.  Remember how the “member of the Dubai royal family” Sheikh Ahmed Dalmook Al Maktoum in February this year visited Tanzania and got a highest-level VIP treatment and a MoU for a carbon deal on 8% of Tanzania's total land mass, after having entered the carbon offset business as a novice in October 2022. By now his company Blue Carbon has obtained preliminary agreements for huge areas all over Africa. Further, Carbon Tanzania, that’s been in this business for a decade or so, and the dubious celebrity/businessman/billionaire Mohammed Dewji have entered a deal with TANAPA to somehow make carbon credits out of six national parks, Burigi-Chato, Katavi Plains, Ugalla River, Mkomazi, Gombe Stream and Mahale Mountains. In the best-case carbon offsets are just a scam in which polluters are made to pay for polluting in exchange for hypothetically lowering carbon emissions elsewhere. In the worst case it’s violence and land alienation.  

 

The big green snake

We have all already understood that land defense within the ruling party, CCM, is no longer possible. This was further shown on 4th December when Thomas Loy Sabaya was elected CCM chairman of Arusha region. As DC for Serengeti District in Mara Region in 2001 Sabaya Sr. ordered evictions of 135 villagers from Nyamuma and personally set fire to houses and food supplies. Sabaya is the father of Lengai Sabaya who has been rehabilitated after as DC of Hai having engaged in extreme violent gangsterism against opposition politicians and in 2021 was jailed for armed robbery. Unfortunately, yes, these two criminals are Maasai.

 

At the CCM meeting at the Arusha International Conference Centre, Yonas Masiaya Laiser (don’t know what he’s doing in CCM…) bravely stood up to ask Sabaya Sr., referring to his time as Serengeti DC, about the fact that the worst disturbance to Arusha pastoralists is the alienation of land for protected areas. The question was shut down and not allowedby Namelock Sokoine who was the chairperson at this meeting.



 

Case against Sifa Bujune dismissed

The case against the artist Sifa Bujune for the song Mnatuona nyani (You see us as baboons) has been dismissed. Sifa Bujune was arrested for incitement and then charged with specifically the lines about Joshua Olepatorro as “false, deceptive, misleading, or inaccurate”, violating the Cybercrimes Act.

 

15-year-old Joshua Olepatorro whose upper front teeth the NCA ranger Elibariki Israel Namungu on 13th August smashed out beating him with the butt of his gun is having problems obtaining justice, since a criminal case requires cooperation from the police.

 


EU parliament passes resolution

On 14th December, the EU parliament passed a resolution on the Maasai communities in Tanzania, brought by six groups of EU parliamentarians. The wording was brief, but very relevant and factual (unlike a writing almost a decade ago). They urge the Tanzanian government to halt evictions, allow safe return, respect land right, rule of law and human rights, allow observation visits etc. Many thanks, EU parliamentarians. I hope this rattles the criminal Tanzanian government.

 


The usual government statement with shameless lies

The Tanzanian government was so rattled by the EU resolution that the spokesperson Matinyi already the following day issued a statement with the usual horrible lies, focusing on the “voluntary” relocations from Ngorongoro division, and with even bigger lies about Loliondo. There’s the usual about houses built and other wonders in areas of relocation, without mentioning that the Msomera villagers weren’t consulted and only informed at gunpoint when their land was handed over to Ngorongoro migrants. Arrests in NCA are denied when even the MP was arrested/abducted for two nights. Ridiculously, it’s claimed that the Maasai are relocated for their own good since wild animals are a danger to them and because of the “necessary” constrained development and economic activities in Ngorongoro, when those are constrained by the government itself. Still, the government claims that it’s offering all social services, when no renovations permits are granted since 2021, Endulen hospital is threatened with downgrading, clinics defunded, and funds for schools transferred to Handeni. The spokesperson is also boasting about that the government/NCAA is sponsoring university fees for students from Ngorongoro division, when this has been stopped since April.

 

Much noise has been made about that UNESCO will make a visit in January. UNESCO is one of the main instigators of the crimes against the Maasai in NCA!

 

Resorting to extreme lies, the statement says that nobody is evicted from Loliondo, since the government has left 2,500km5 for the residents! As known, after the brutal and totally illegal alienation of 1,500km2 of village land that’s important grazing land, people and livestock are supposed to squeeze into the remaining 2,500km2 where there are towns, agricultural areas, forest reserves, and a very ugly American land grab. In the spoken version, Matinyi also claims that Loliondo is 200 km away from NCA, when Loliondo/Sale is some 90 km from north to south and actually borders NCA.

 

The statement mentions good relations with the EU, especially the commissioner Janez Lenarčič who apparently has praised Tanzania and its president, which is very possible. There are many ignorant, or worse than ignorant, people like that. Then the government lies about the planned visit by EU parliamentarians that was stopped by the government 24 hours before departure, since the parliamentarian did not accept the government’s plan for a very controlled visit. The claim is that there was a request for a visit, the government asked for time to prepare, and then did not hear anything more from the parliamentarians. The statement ends with again reminding of the upcoming visit by the terrible UNESCO and denying the existence of indigenous people in Tanzania.

 

 

RIP Michèle Rivasi                                                                                    

On 29th November French EU parliamentarian Michèle Rivasi for The Greens passed away following a heart attack. Michèle had been a strong supporter of the Maasai and was one of the EU parliamentarians who were to visit Ngorongoro and Loliondo but 24 hours before their departure on 4th September 2023, were stopped by the Tanzanian government that had invited them. Michèle passed away the day before she was to return to Tanzania, as a tourist, circumventing the government, which is the only way to get to know the truth. May she rest in peace.



There's so much more to write about - like the TAWIRI conference for which OBC was a premium sponsor - but I'm too sad and tired. 


Rest in peace our Kenyan friend and ally Lemayian ole Taiko. Gone far too soon, Nairobi, 19th December 2023.



 

Where is Oriais Oleng’iyo?

 

Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com



 Please contact me with any questions about Loliondo. Never guess and never copy hurriedly written newspaper articles, or even reports by serious organizations, without double checking. Also, please contact me with any information you may have. Don’t assume that I’m getting it automatically. I must chase people 24-7 for information. While anyone with good intentions is allowed to use anything written in my blog, and I’ve long ago understood that many fear being associated with me, I appreciate being given credit or at least having my blog linked to.


Updates

22nd December

In a press statement, leaders from Ngorongoro division rebutted the lies issued by government spokesperson Matinyi. https://youtu.be/k5eZuQ37cW


Boxing day






 


Brief Background of the Loliondo Hunting Block and Long-Lobbied for Crime

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This is a summary to refer to in an attempt to avoid far too long blog posts and it’s help for anyone writing about Loliondo. By necessity this means that important aspects may have been left out. I’ve tried to include what’s most important to understand the current situation. Please contact me for further details, or if you think I’ve left out anything essential.

 

Notice that this summary is about the illegal and brutal land alienation for a “game reserve” in Loliondo and Sale divisions of Ngorongoro District. Ngorongoro Division/Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA) where the Tanzanian government use cruel restrictions and illegal defunding of social services to make the Maasai relocate to other people’s land far away is ANOTHER ISSUE, even if closely related in many ways. The cruel and stupid Msomera publicity stunt is NOT about the Maasai of Loliondo. I must soon write another blog post about NCA.

 

The criminal is the Tanzanian government that´s aided and abetted by investors, donors, and conservation organisations. Notably, OBC from Dubai have lobbied for the brutal and lawless creation of an illegal “game reserve”in Loliondo. The Germans and Frankfurt Zoological Society have a long history of working against Maasai land rights and recently very openly and shamelessly funded and facilitated a now rejected draft district land use plan to legitimize and extend the crime. Though the brutal land alienation drive is not restricted to Loliondo, or Ngorongoro District, or to the Maasai, but all rural Tanzanians with land that’s of interest to tourism are under serious threat, while the Germans boast about being the biggest bilateral donors to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism. The land alienation drive has been going on for decades, but with the current government of Samia Suluhu Hassan, that’s running amok with a greedy and violent tourism cult, it’s worse than ever. Everyone considering spending tourism money in Tanzania seriously needs to consider what they are encouraging.

 

I’ve got almost all information about the early days from Navaya ole Ndaskoi and that from later years from hundreds of different people, most of whom would sadly not like to be mentioned at all.

 

“The minister” refers to the Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism.


Contents:

Mwinyi

Mkapa

Kikwete

Magufuli

Samia

 




Mwinyi

Otterlo Business Corporation (OBC), owned by Mohammed Abdul Rahim Al Ali, that organize hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, has had the 4,000 km2 Loliondo hunting block (permit to hunt) since 1993 (first contract signed in 1992). OBC got the hunting block in the Loliondogate scandal covered by the reporter Stan Katabalo in the Mfanyakazi newspaper in 1993, until he passed away under suspect circumstances in September the same year. Katabalo was tipped off by the legendary Moringe Parkipuny who, too, suffered an assassination attempt in 1993.

 

The hunting block includes two towns – Wasso and Loliondo - district headquarters, agricultural areas, and a terrible land grab by the American Thomson Safaris. So OBC have lobbied to have it reduced to their core hunting area bordering Serengeti National Park, and to make it a protected area (brutally and illegally done in 2022) which signifies a huge land loss to the local Maasai, with lost lives and livelihoods.

 

Besides the 10-year frame (unlawful at the time), the block was leased over the heads of the legally registered villages, there were reports that Al Ali and Sheikh Mohammed had already breached every hunting regulation before being granted the hunting block and then a parliamentary committee found more evidence of such misbehaviour (the Marmo report that I’ve been trying to get someone to send me for over a decade, but maybe it was only presented to parliament orally), while the parastatal TAWICO already held the hunting block. Further, there were allegations that President Mwinyi was close to OBC. Mary Ndosi represented OBC in Tanzania, signing as Senior State Attorney and using the P.O box address of the Attorney General. OBC’s first illegal10-year contract was revoked already in the corruption scandal in the 1990s, in which Minister Abubakar Mgumia was axed, and since then the hunting block has been renewed like any other hunting block. The press at the time reported that Abdulraham Kinana was escorting the hunters at Kilimanjaro Airport already in 1993.

 

The now stolen 1,500 km2 was owned and used by the Maasai before and during colonial times under customary ownership, which was recognized by the Land Act of 1923. After being evicted from Serengeti in 1959, the affected Maasai moved to both NCA and Loliondo. In the 1970s the villages in Loliondo and Sale were registered under the Village and Ujamaa Villages Act, then in 1982 under the Local Government (District Authorities) Act – and could enter legally binding contracts on their own behalf - and got further protection as village land belonging to the village assembly (all adult villagers) managed by the village council under Village Land Act No.5 of 1999. Eviction from this land is in contravention and violation of the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, Village Land Act 1999, Wildlife Conservation Act No.5 of 2009, and the Treaty for the Establishment of the EAC.

 

Mkapa

In 1995, President Benjamin William Mkapa appointed a Presidential Commission of Enquiry into Corruption in Tanzania. Justice Joseph Warioba chaired the Commission. OBC was mentioned as one of the most corrupt companies.

 

Protests by local leaders against OBC’s construction near water sources, oversized airstrip and hostile attitudes towards the Maasai and their livestock were in April 2000 taken to Dar es Salaam by a Maasai delegation led by Sandet ole Reiya in a failed attempt to meet President Mkapa, but the Maasai got some media coverage. These protests, but with a focus on new allegations of hunting abuse, led to some international press coverage in 2001-2002, primarily in Kenya.

 

Sandet ole Reiya some 16 years later. Now he's sadly no longer among us. Photo: MRG

The first years of the new millennium and a couple of years before that, the Tanzanian government and Frankfurt Zoological Society were working hard to impose Wildlife Management Areas (WMA) on the Maasai of Loliondo. A WMA is so-called “community-based natural resource management” whereby while staying nominally as village land, areas are set aside for tourism and conservation, and the influence of investors, conservation organisations, and central government is increased. The Maasai of Loliondo managed to reject it.

 

Kikwete

By 2008, relations with OBC had deteriorated further and the then Ngorongoro DC Jowika Kasunga coerced local leaders into signing a Memorandum of Understanding with the hunters. There were supposed to be talks to coordinate grazing and hunting, but when the 2009 drought turned catastrophic, OBC went to the government to complain. As a result, the village land in the 1,500 km2 was illegally invaded by the Field Force Unit working with OBC’s rangers, with mass arson, dispersal of cattle, and abuse of every kind. 7-year-old Nashipai Gume was lost in the chaos and never found, ever since.


The crown prince of Dubai, in Loliondo in 2009. The kori bustard is not in the quotas. 


 

In a statement in September 2009 the Minister Shamsa Mwangunga warned that with the new Wildlife Conservation Act village land and game controlled area would be separated.

 

In November 2009, Isaack Mollel, director of OBC, was boasting to the press that the company had donated TSh.156 million to Arusha Region for land use planning in Loliondo Game Controlled Area. In February 2010, Minister for Lands, Housing and Human Settlements Developments, John Chiligati, declared that the government had set aside TShs.157 million for land use planning in Loliondo.

 

The government stopped a report (the Ndugai report), answering 14 points raised by Ngorongoro MP Telele, from being tabled in parliament. In April 2010 there were mass protests by women in Loliondo turning in or burning their CCM cards. Their demands were to have the Ndugai report tabled in parliament and for the government to stop any plans for a “wildlife corridor”. The government continued issuing threats about a corridor and Chiligati was particularly loud.

 


In December 2010 several CSOs filed a constitutional suit against the government and OBC to petition the 2009 evictions in the High Court of Tanzania. This case kept being postponed for years before it was dismissed.

 

In February 2011, the Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2010–2030 that proposed turning the village land that had been invaded into a protected area, was revealed. The Maasai were united, and the draft land use plan was rejected by Ngorongoro District Council. Local leaders thought that the government had been defeated, and they became passive. Some of them reconciled with OBC.

 

In November 2012, TANAPA attempted to place beacons onto Ololosokwan village land, extending the national park boundary contrary to Government Notice No.235 of 1968. In an admirable way, the beacons, stored at Klein’s gate, were destroyed by the villagers.

 

In January 2013, then Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Khamis Kagasheki started issuing his threats about the land and lied to the world saying that the whole 4,000 km2 Loliondo Game Controlled Area (Loliondo Division and part of Sale Division of Ngorongoro District, all of it village land) was a protected area and that alienating the important 1,500 km2 meant generously giving the remaining land to the Maasai. Kagasheki did this in meetings with the press and with diplomats, and in wildly misleading written statements from his ministry. This huge lie and ugly trick did not work, since the Maasai were more serious and united than ever (except for MP Telele who showed signs of having been compromised), garnered support from both the opposition CHADEMA and from the ruling CCM.

 

Thousands of people met in Oloipiri on 25th March 2013 and decided to stay united, end any involvement with OBC and, soon after the government had announced the land to be taken away from them, initiate a court case with an injunction plus a reclaim of Serengeti National Park. Also, all political leaders, including the MP, would resign from their posts. This was the highest point of seriousness by Loliondo leader, but unfortunately, they didn’t keep it up.

 


On 6th April 2013, a CCM mission led by the deputy secretary general of the party, Mwigulu Nchemba, met with women who had been camping out for days in protest in Oloirien. Nchemba’s conclusion was that the government’s decision was contrary to the laws of the land and would adversely affect the local community, and that he would refer the issue to the PM. Tundu Lissu and Peter Msigwa of the opposition party CHADEMA were addressing the public at a meeting in Soitsambu. They told villagers to support the opposition party in opposing the government decision. The opposition support for the Maasai has deepened with the crimes of 2022, with the nastyexception of precisely Msigwa who for some time was engaging in the most terrible government lies. Lissu, since before 2013, continues as the strongest ally. Meanwhile, by 2022, the ruling CCM has entered full genocidal mode and engages in terrible repression of its own party representatives that speak up for land rights.

 

PM Mizengo Kayanza Peter Pinda stopped Kagasheki’s threats, first vaguely via a letter to the RC in May 2013, and then loudly and strongly in a speech in Wasso on 23rd September the same year.

 

After Kagasheki’s open threats and lies, his successor Lazaro Nyalandu focused on closed meetings with local leaders, in which there reportedly were always offers of money. Some found it convenient to benefit from openly praising the “investors” and attacking the defenders of the land, while apparently thinking that there wasn’t any real risk with benefitting personally from such behaviour, since land alienation was unlikely. A group of traitors crystallized, led by the then councillor for Oloipiri, William Alais, and the director of the NGO Kidupo, Gabriel Killel. Though nobody signed any MoU with OBC.

 

The global web movement Avaaz that had been a strong but confusing supporter of the Maasai in 2012-2013, in 2014, with apparently only one source, told British press that there was an eviction notice for November the same year, which to date nobody from Loliondo has seen. This led President Kikwete – a terrible anti-pastoralist, especially during his first term – to have some fun tweeting a huge lie about the past and about the future: “There has never been, nor will there ever be any plan by the Government of #Tanzania to evict the #Maasai people from their ancestral land.” In later years people with short memories have interpreted this as if Kikwete would be some kind of defender of land rights.

 

Nyalandu welcoming Sheikh Mohammed in January 2015.


In March 2015, the EU parliament adopted a resolution condemning land grabbing in Tanzania. Unfortunately, the mentions of events in Loliondo were based on articles that had misreported content, to put it mildly.

 

In April 2015, security forces and DC Hashim Mgandilwa joined up with OBC rangers and the “investor-friendly” group for a violent “anti-Kenyan” operation. Five actual Kenyans (citizens of the Republic of Kenya) were jailed for six months and fined TShs. 100,000. Even though almost all victims of the violent “anti-Kenyan” team were Tanzanian, several meetings were held across the border in Kenya and decisions were made to close the border in response to the mistreatment. The vicious anti-Loliondo journalist Manyerere Jackton in the Jamhuri magazine contributed by publishing a list of 280 private individuals that he – or his sources -considered to be “Kenyan”, including Kundai Parmwat who was councillor for Soitsambu 2000-2010 (Wakenya wavamia Tanzania, 22.4.2015). After many meetings, the actual cross border issues cooled down, but not the already established habit of accusing non-compliant Tanzanians of being “Kenyan”. In May the same year, Mgandilwa used a conflict between corrupt policemen and villagers to arrest local leaders suspected of not being friendly to OBC, and have them paraded barefoot form Wasso to Loliondo. Then this DC went on to further stir up the conflict between Kirtalo, the village where OBC’s camp is situated, and Oloipiri where OBC had “befriended” all leaders.

 

When I visited in June 2015, I was arrested, or more exactly abducted, for three nights, not allowed to contact anyone, and then declared a prohibited immigrant and dumped in Kenya where I discovered that the hard drive had been removed from my laptop.

 

Magufuli

The investors (OBC and Thomson Safaris) had for years used the local police state that through the successive DCs, security committee, and most every government employee will threaten anyone who could speak up about them and engage in defamation and illegal arrests. The repression and fear of this police state became worse with Magufuli in office. There were lengthy illegal arrests, torture, and malicious prosecution.

 

In July 2016, two secondary school teachers and two NGO people were arrested, two of them tortured, and then the four were charged with espionage and sabotage for having communicated with me. The charges were dismissed after several months of inaction by the prosecution that obviously only wanted to increase fear and silence. Several other local leaders were arrested for a day or so and not charged.

 




By December 2016 – after OBC had written a report complaining about the Maasai and engaged the press - it was so bad that PM Majaliwa could enter the stage with a select non-participatory committee, set up by then Arusha RC Mrisho Gambo. Some of the members were local leaders and other representatives, serious NGOs included, that found themselves at the opposite side of the people when marking “critical areas” under spontaneous protests in each village. A much-misused photo of a confrontation between police and Maasai is from these protests and not any other time. The proposal handed over to the PM in April 2017 was seen as a victory, even though it was a sad compromise (reportedly a WMA, which would never have been approved by the village assemblies, and that had earlier been successfully rejected for many years of better unity and less acute fear).

 

This picture is from March 2017 when villagers were protesting marking of "critical areas" that their own weakened leaders were participating in. Do NOT use it for anything else.


A week earlier, 5th - 7th March 2017, a Standing Parliamentary Committee - co-opted by Minister Maghembe who in January was making declarations that the 1,500km2 must be alienated - toured Loliondo and the members were told that German funds would only be released on condition of turning the 1,500 km2 into a protected area. In Loliondo 600 women demonstrated against accepting the German money and the district council decided to follow their advice. Local leaders saw RC Gambo as their "only friend", or that's the sole and weak excuse for their behaviour in Gambo’s committee.

 



Maybe since the Maasai showed such weakness, the government went on with the unthinkable and while everyone was still waiting to hear Majaliwa’s decision, on 13th August 2017 an illegal mass arson operation, like the one in 2009, was initiated and continued, on and off, well into October. Hundreds of bomas were razed to the ground by Serengeti rangers, assisted by NCAA rangers and those from OBC, TAWA, local police, and others. People were beaten and raped, illegally arrested, and cattle seized. Some leaders were frightfully silent while others protested loudly. Minister Maghembe pretended that OBC’s land use plan would have been implemented and the operation was taking place on some protected land. Meanwhile the DC and Maghembe’s own ministry, said it was not about the 1,500 km2, since Majaliwa was to announce a decision about that, but that village land was invaded because people were entering Serengeti National Park “too easily”.

Oloosek, 13th August 2017.


While Loliondo was burning, implemented by Serengeti rangers – FZS’s partners - in August 2017, a most revolting picture was published of the German ambassador at that time, Detlef Wächter. The picture showed Wächter smilingly handing over buildings for park staff in Fort Ikoma, in Serengeti National Park, to Minister Maghembe, while commenting on the long and successful partnership between Germany and Tanzania in protecting the Serengeti.

 


The illegal operation wasn’t stopped until late October 2017, a couple of weeks after Hamisi Kigwangalla came into office. The new minister also made grand promises, like saying that OBC would have left Tanzania before 2018, and complained that OBC´s Mollel had tried to bribe him more cheaply than he bribed his predecessors, but it was very soon clear that OBC weren’t going anywhere. On 6th December 2017, Majaliwa delivered his vague but terrifying decision that was about, through a legal bill, creating a “special authority” to manage the land. He also said that OBC were staying. The decision was celebrated in the anti-Maasai press (Manyerere Jackton in the Jamhuri). Implementation was delayed, still no legal bill has been seen, and it would of course have been contempt of court.

 


In March 2018, Kigwangalla welcomed OBC’s hunters to Tanzania (directing himself to a fake account that he thought was the Twitter account of the Dubai crown prince), then explaining that only some of OBC’s staff were a problem, and in April the same year, OBC - once again - gifted the Ministry of Natural Resources of Tourism with 15 vehicles.

 


In March 2018, a military camp was set up in Lopolun, near Wasso in Loliondo, first temporary, but eventually made permanent with donations from the NCAA, and the soldiers started attacking and beating apparently random people.

 

In June 2018, the OCCID and local police tried to derail the case in the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) – filed during the illegal operation in 2017 - by summoning local leaders and villagers. Nobody dared to speak up about this, except for the applicants' main counsel, Don Deya.

 

On 25th September 2018 – a year after the illegal operation - the court finally issued an injunction restraining the government from evictions, destruction, and harassment of the applicants, but this injunction was soon brutally violated.

 

In November and December 2018, soldiers from the camp in Lopolun tortured people, seized cattle, and burned bomas in Kirtalo and Ololosokwan villages. This was the lowest point ever in the land rights struggle (until the brutal and lawless demarcation of 2022) and I have still not understood how it could happen without anyone at all speaking up. Local leaders claimed to fear for their lives and thought that the brutality was directly ordered by President Magufuli. When RC Gambo in January 2019 condemned the crimes in a very vague way, they changed to thinking that OBC’s director had contracted the soldiers.

 

There were finally some promising developments in 2019 when OBC’s director Isaack Mollel was arrested on economic sabotage charges and OBC toned down (they never left and Mollel was never fired) their activities on the ground. However, the local police state was not dealt with and following a lengthy stay in remand prison Mollel was out, through plea bargaining, and after a while he went back to work. Speculations about Mollel’s misfortune include his clashes of egos with Kigwangalla and Gambo, and Magufuli wanting to send a message to OBC’s old friend Abdulrahman Kinana (and to Bernard Membe) that nobody is untouchable.

 

In September 2019, a genocidal zoning proposal for Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA) was presented by chief conservator Freddy Manongi. It included the proposal to annex the 1,500 km2 (but in the form of two areas: an elongated area bordering Serengeti in the entire north to south of Loliondo and Sale divisions, and an area further east in Malambo, like was done in the illegal demarcation in 2022) and turn it into a protected area allowing hunting. This Multiple Land Use Model review proposal was met with countless protests from every kind of group of people from NCA, but near silence from Loliondo where many leaders were pretending that the threat had been averted.

 

Samia

2021 brought Jumaa Mhina as new District Executive Director and he started working to kill the court cases against land grabbing “investors”. Though the village chairmen stood their ground and Reference No. 10 of 2017, Ololosokwan, Kirtalo, Oloirien, and Arash v the Attorney General of the United Republic of Tanzania continued before the EACJ until it was dismissed in September 2022 (then successfully appealed). The case against Thomson Safaris in the Tanzanian court of appeal, however, was in 2022 killed using a law that was introduced after the case was filed.

 

President Samia Suluhu Hassan started inciting against the Maasai of Ngorongoro very shortly after being sworn in, already in a speech on 6th April 2021, and has continued doing so in a way previously not seen in any Tanzanian president, but the focus of her outburst has been Ngorongoro Conservation Area. Her participation in a travel tv show called “The Royal Tour”, in which heads of state function as tour guides – described as “authoritarian image management” by the researcher Alex Dukalskis - and the “5 million tourists by 2025” has almost been turned into state religion and rural people’s land is under attack all over Tanzania for “protected areas”.

 

Briefly about the 2022 threats leading up to the brutal illegal demarcation

On 11th January 2022, Arusha RC John Mongella summoned village and ward leaders from villages with land in the 1,500 km2 to inform them that the government would make "a painful decision for the broader interest of the nation". The leaders, even those who for years had worked for OBC and against the people, refused to accompany the RC for a tour of the 1,500 km2, or to sign the attendance list. On 13th-14th January in Oloirien there was a public protest meeting and a statement by village, ward, and traditional leaders.

 


A contempt of court application was filed in the East African Court of Justice, since the RC’s threats were in clear violation of the injunction issued in September 2018.

 

Village leaders at court.

On 9th February 2022, in the one-party parliament, parliamentarians competed in being wilfully or genuinely ignorant, mouth-frothingly hateful, and calling for evictions from Ngorongoro (Loliondo was mentioned, but mostly NCA). The Mtwara MP screamed that tanks were needed, there was much laughter and table banging, while only three MPs (all Maasai) spoke up for the Maasai.

 

On 14th February 2022, Majaliwa came and was not much better than Mongella, but too well-received, since something worse was expected, because of a crazy anti-Maasai hate campaign in parliament and media.

 

Three days later, on 17th February 2022, in NCA, not Loliondo, Majaliwa ordered the disputed land to be marked by beacons, “so that we may know the boundaries” – while claiming that this was NOT a trick! Now we know what the intention was.

 

In late February 2022, President Samia visited the Expo Dubai 2020 and met with Sheikh Mohammed. “I would like to take this opportunity to welcome you all to Tanzania, where the business and investment environment are more than conducive. Come one, come all to Tanzania.”, the president said, according to the Tanzanian embassy, and the invitation has been taken up (see DP World, carbon scams etc.)

 

Then Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism Damas Ndumbaro on 8th March 2022 re-introduced Kagasheki’s lies in an interview with DW Kiswahili, and on the 11th Majaliwa again mentioned beacons and water projects for Loliondo when informing parliamentarians about a fake spectacle that he had set up in Arusha, without people from Ngorongoro, the previous day.

 

At a huge protest meeting in Arash on 19th March, several leaders spoke up in defence of the land, among them the Arash ward councillor Mathew Siloma spoke up very clearly and strongly. The message from this meeting was:

-PM Majaliwa is a liar.

-The Maasai are not renouncing one square inch of land.

-They request to meet with the president, since Majaliwa cannot be trusted.

 


On 31st March 2022, Abdulrahman Kinana was brought in from the cold, after having fallen out with Magufuli, and is now Vice-Chairman of CCM mainland. Kinana is one of OBC’s and Sheikh Mohammed’s best and oldest friends since at least 1993.

 


Video from 24th March 2018.

CCM councillors that had spoken up against plans of robbing the Maasai of the 1,500 km2 were being intimidated, arrested, and summoned to be “interrogated” in Arusha. The councillors of Arash and Malambo had to keep reporting to the police.

 

On 25th May 2022, a committee handed over their reports of “community recommendations” on both NCA and the 1,500 km2 in Loliondo to PM Majaliwa who said that he was going to work on the recommendations. The Loliondo/Sale report recommended a stop to any plans of alienating the 1,500 km2, investigations into human rights violations, and the removal of OBC. That was what Majaliwa had to work with, but instead he stole the land, committed atrocities, and OBC is still there.

 


On 3rd June 2022, Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Pindi Chana in her budget speech announced that her ministry expected to upgrade Loliondo to a Game Reserve, but she did this while listing huge areas of Tanzania for the same expectation. That did not sound believable or realistic in any way, and there was hardly any reaction, except for an intervention by Ngorongoro MP Emmanuel Oleshangai. At least I could not imagine that anything so brutal and unlawful could happen so soon, but it did.

 


Briefly about the brutal and illegal demarcation of a fake game reserve

On 8th June 2022, Wasso town was overflowing with security forces that went on to set up camps on the 90 km stretch from Ololosokwan to Piyaya, and in Malambo. Almost every Tanzania Regional Police Commissioner vehicle was seen in Loliondo on the day. The Maasai held prayers and deliberations, and in Kirtalo on the 9th a video clip with the message that they were ready to die for their land was prepared for Majaliwa. A coordinated threat with vicious propaganda, and the old lie from 2013, was issued primarily by Arusha RC John Mongella, who had recorded a message in connection with closed meeting the previous days, and PM Kassim Majaliwa, assisted by speaker of parliament Tulia Ackson, in parliament. They were soon joined by many government representatives repeating the same lie.

 


All councillors from affected wards – except the Soitsambu councillor who didn’t attend and managed to flee – two special seats councillors and the CCM district chairman were on 9th June 2022, lured to a meeting by DC Raymond Mwangwala, they were abducted, bundled in two cars and driven to Arusha overnight.

 

The following day illegal land demarcation – which is what OBC for years has lobbied for - began in a rain of teargas and bullets. Many Maasai were beaten, slashed by bayonets, hit by teargas canisters, raped and thousands fled across the border where many of them continued as refugees for several months, with their cattle. The then 84-years-old Oriais Oleng'iyo was last seen on 10th June 2022 with bullet wounds and detained by the Field Force Unit few metres away from his home where security forces were firing fireworks. A police officer was killed by arrowshot, which the government used to charge – with murder - the councillors who had been abducted the previous day, obviously without a thought on investigating the killing. Motorbikes and telephones were destroyed or stolen by the security forces.

 






Loliondo refugees in Kenya.



There was a hunt for anyone who could have shared pictures of the crimes (which effectively has been done by everyone with a smartphone) and ten people, later joined by seven more, were illegally arrested, eventually, together with the councillors, charged with a bogus “murder”. The trial kept being postponed for inexistent “investigation”, there was never any hearing, only postponements, and they continued locked up in remand prison for well over five months. Three were released for reasons of health and studies. The flow of information was almost completely cut after the initial arrests.

 

On 15th June 2022, Deputy Permanent Representative to the Tanzanian Mission to the UN in Geneva, Hoyce Temu, in a widely shared clip, denied any state violence, parroting the malicious and obvious government lie about a “protected area” that had been “encroached” and about “peaceful talks” with local residents. Meanwhile, the councillors from affected wards were still abducted at unknown location, and their whereabouts were only known the following day when they were charged with “murder”.

 


Government representatives made multiple military style visits landing in helicopter to pose with beacons, tell lies, and issue threats.

 

On 13th June 2022, then Inspector General of Police Simon Sirro threatened anyone who'd stir things up, and he particularly mentioned politicians that are using the Maasai for their own benefit.

 


The Minister of Home Affairs, Hamad Masauni, on 15th June 2022, directed Immigration to strengthen border security and ordered NGOs to be investigated.


 

Immigration Commissioner for Border Control and Administration, Samwel Mahirane on 18th June 2022, threatened those that had fled, saying that they are known and will be dealt with. 

 


Commissioner General of Immigration, Anna Makakala, on 22nd June announced that there would be 10 days of flushing out illegal immigrants.

 


Minster Pindi Chana without following any law or procedure declared the illegally demarcated land as “Pololeti Game Controlled Area” (GN No.421, 2022) on 17th June, which was announced in a zoom meeting on the 22nd.

 

On 21st June 2022, diplomats (in the best case just unaware) applauded Minister Ndumbaro’s obvious lies about what was happening. Also present and lying were then Deputy Minister Mary Masanja, Director of Wildlife Maurus Msuha and Minister of Foreign Affairs Liberata Mulamula. Though many international organisations condemned the government’s actions.

 

Mary Masanja greeting the UAE ambassador at the meeting in which diplomats appearesd happy to be told lies.

The much-expected court ruling in the case filed during the mass arson in 2017, and scheduled for 22nd June 2022, was the last minute shockingly postponed to September.


Also on 22nd June, Ngorongoro MP Emmanuel Oleshangai spoke up telling the national assembly in no uncertain terms that land in Loliondo is village land, that when we talk about land we talk about people’s lives, and that what's being done in Loliondo is a land grab that no person or village government has agreed to.  

 


On 23rd June 2022, PM Majaliwa led a military celebration of the brutal attack on the Maasai.


 

On 24th June 2022, people were told to leave within 24 hours or all their livestock would be confiscated. Houses were demolished or razed. TAWA illegally seized livestock and demanded extortionate “fines”. The dry season deepened without access to the most important grazing area. In Ormanie, Arash ward, on 27th June, cows, donkeys, calves, and other livestock were shot by the security forces.

 








On 29th June RC Mongella thanked Chief of Defence Forces Venance Mabeyo, who was being celebrated on the day of his retirement, for the help by the army in the Loliondo operation. The following day, President Sania appointed Mabeyo the board chairperson of Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority.

 


On 6th July 2022, German Ambassador Regine Hess met with Arusha RC John Mongella, to talk about the “cooperation” between the two countries, and the Germans kept showering the brutal and lawless Tanzanian government with money.

 


As announced, there were mass arrests of people accused of being “Kenyan”. Nursing mothers were locked up, some children had both their parents arrested, but by November every one of the bogus immigration cases - only meant to terrorize and paralyze - had been dismissed.


On 28th September 2022, Minister Chana officially announced that the illegally demarcated 1,500 km2 in Loliondo had been placed under the management of the NCAA on 23rd August 2022.

 

On 30th September the East African Court of Justice dismissed Reference No.10 of 2017 on the grounds that the Maasai had failed to prove that the mass arson of 2017 was committed on village land and not in Serengeti National Park. This ruling was quite inexplicable when even the TANAPA's own map from the illegal operation show that the crime was committed on village land. Some confused and very unhelpful journalists confused this with the 2022 operation and reported that the court had “approved cordoning off” of the land. The ruling was appealed.

 

The ongoing crime

TAWA, at the height of the dry season, continued illegal seizures of livestock and extortion of huge fines, 100,000 shillings per cow and 25,000 per sheep or goat. NCAA rangers were reportedly trained and set up camp. In Malambo, on 8th November 2022, the head of the NCAA camp announced that TAWA had left, and the boundaries were being guarded by the Field Force Unit.

 

On 31st October, or 1st November 2022, it was announced that President Samia had on 14th October declared a Pololeti Game Reserve (GN No.604, 2022). It came as a nasty surprise for the lawyers that on 1st November were in court for the mention of Miscellaneous Cause No.09 of 2022, even if it seems like it was also on Tanzania Broadcasting Corporation the previous evening.

 

Several court cases were filed to stop the brutal, fake and illegal protected area.

 

On 1st November, in an NCA advertorial in the extreme anti-Maasai newspaper the Jamhuri, a “conservator” for the fake and illegal game reserve – Pius Rwiza - spoke of how calm and wonderful everything was after the demarcation. He said that the Maasai understand the demarcation but must keep a further 500 metres away from it! And he wanted them to create WMAs, outside the illegally demarcated 1,500 km2, which is another kind of land alienation that also was included in the OBC-funded draft district land use plan that was rejected by Ngorongoro District Council in 2011.

 

Towards the end of October 2022, there were reports of a notice issued by the DC about redrawing of village boundaries with new village land use plans, and some 40 state security and surveyors on the ground. Through intimidation and government installed traitors, it was said that the land use plan had been passed, but that would of course not be legal in any way.

 

Between 14th-17th November 2022, nine immigration cases against 62 people who still had such cases pending after the mass arrests in June and July were discharged for want of prosecution.

 

On 22nd November 2022, it was announced that the Director of Public Prosecution had no intention to continue with the ridiculous “murder” case against 24 people, including ten CCM councillors and the CCM district chairman. The leaders were, directly after being released, whisked off to CCM internal elections to vote for candidates close to RC Mongella.

 

On 20th December 2022, in a ceremony with PM Kassim Majaliwa and Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Pindi Chana, the German Ambassador to Tanzania Regina Hess handed over 51 vehicles, part of 20 million euros committed funds by Germany for emergency funding and recovery for biodiversity in response of COVID19 facilitated by the German development bank, KfW, and Frankfurt Zoological Society, FZS. The vehicles will be distributed into Serengeti and Nyerere National Parks and Selous Game Reserve and will have a great impact on supporting “operations”. In the ceremony Majaliwa mentioned poachers and “encroaching livestock” as the objectives of those “operations”.

 


The Tanzanians online – who since early 2022 had become very sympathetic to the Maasai - toward the end of 2022, unfortunately, again became busy with wildlife trafficking from Loliondo, without presenting evidence in any form. Even OBC’s Mollel participated in a zoom seminar organized to deny this – instead of talking about the insanely brutal and illegal land alienation. However, almost all opposition-minded Tanzanians continue supportive of the Maasai, which was not the case before 2022.

 

Livestock keep being seized, destroying everyone’s livelihood and mental health.

 

23rd– 28th January 2023, the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights visited, specifically to have a look at Loliondo and Ngorongoro, but the visit was co-opted by the government and the Commission did not see a single victim from Loliondo. Salangat Mako from Ololosokwan recorded a message for the Commission and then had to flee to Kenya for a while after threats.


 

Rangers from Bologonja in Serengeti National Park joined NCAA rangers/FFU in seizing cattle on village land in Ololosokwan, illegally declared a game reserve, and taking them to Mugumu for auctioning. They continued with this until they almost lost a court case and one of them suffered a fatal motorcycle accident.

 

On 29th February and 30th March 2023 meetings meant to legitimize the 1,500 km2 land theft via a Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan for the next 20 years was held at the Ngorongoro District Council Hall in Wasso. This was openly and shamelessly funded and facilitated by the Germans via FZS. The DC openly threatened the councillors for being obstacles to the exercise and the years ago somewhat serious NGO personality Joseph Parsambei openly came out as a traitor, as did the chairman of Soitsambu Village.


On 21st April 2023, Tanzanian government lies were presented by Tanzanian UNESCO secretary Prof. Hamisi Malebo, together with Zuleikha Tambwe of the Tanzania Permanent Mission to the United Nations. Among other malicious lying there was a demented terra nullius story that Loliondo had been unoccupied since time immemorial, made a protected area during colonial times, and “encroached” by the Maasai after independence. Malebo had already been lying about Loliondo to the African Commission for Human and People’s Rights and has continued doing so on various occasions, not least at the UN. Even earlier, he had engaged in stupid/evil lies about NCA, which he of course also keeps up.  

 

On 5th May 2023, a NCAA ranger was slightly injured by an arrowshot from an unknown hero archer and there were reports that the rangers stopped patrolling at nighttime.

 

On 19th May 2023 the councillors at Ngorongoro District Council voted in unison to reject in total the government’s German-facilitated draft 2023-2043 Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan, even the district council chairman, Marekani Bayo, who’s a non-pastoralist and for many years has worked as OBC’s community liaison. However, this individual lied to the press that the reason for the rejection was that the land use plan wasn’t written in Swahili!

 




A Maasai delegation visited Europe and on 31st May 2023, they attended a public event at the EU Parliament in which they, there at the same venue, could respond to the usual demented government lies spewed by Jestas Abouk Nyamanga, Tanzanian ambassador to Belgium, Luxembourg, and European Union Commission and Prof. Hamisi Malebo, Tanzanian UNESCO secretary. Lawyer Joseph Oleshangay from Endulen, Nengai Kilusu Laizer from Oloirobi, and Noorkishili Nakero Naing’isa from Ololosokwan were there and spoke the truth.

 

Noorkishili


Nyamanga and Malebo lying their heads off.




On the anniversary of the brutal and lawless land theft, several local leaders and other victims gave their testimony of the crimes at a meeting in Mto Wa Mbu, and others had already been recorded by a fact-finding mission.

 

On 22nd August 2023, the high court ruled that Miscellaneous Civil Cause No. 178 of 2022, the case dealing with the president’s GN No.604 of 2022, declaring a “game reserve” can proceed and prohibited operation of the GN until determination of the case.

 

EU parliamentarians who were to visit Ngorongoro and Loliondo were 24 hours before their departure on 4th September 2023, stopped by the Tanzanian government that had invited them.

 

On 8th September 2023, against orders by the Officer Commanding District, Tundu Lissu, held meetings in Ololosokwan and Wasso, with an overwhelming reception. The following day he was stopped from accessing NCA where there were ongoing arrests following peaceful protests and then arrested, later charged with holding meetings without a permit in Ololosokwan and Wasso.

 




Even when under heavy pressure, the councillors again, on 10th September, rejected the draft 2023-2043 Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan. This time they had a Swahili version.

 

On 19th September 2023, in the High Court in Arusha, Judge Joachim Tiganga read the ruling in Miscellaneous Civil Cause No. 21 of 2022, the judicial review challenging former Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Pindi Chana's Government Notice (GN) No.421, of 17th June 2022. The ruling is that  the “Pololeti Game Controlled Area” is null and void for two reasons: mandatory consultation was lacking, and the president's decision to on 14th October 2022 (when court cases against the minister’s GCA had already been filed) declare a “Pololeti Game Reserve” on the same land automatically repealed its status.

 

The ruling staying the operation of the game reserve until determination of the case regarding the president’s GN, together with the ruling declaring minister’s GN null and void make the seizures of cattle in the illegal “game reserve” also illegal in the eyes of the High Court, but the Tanzanian government decided to ignore this and continues with its crimes, and issued its own illogical and very malicious interpretation of the ruling, saying that the land had reverted back to Loliondo GCA, which of course never has been a protected area restricting human activities.

 

A contempt of court case - Miscellaneous Civil Application No. 106 of 2023 - was filed against:

-Ngorongoro DC Raymond Mwangwala (since then transferred to Rombo).

-“Pololeti” “conservator” Pius Rwiza.

-Prisca J. Ulomi, Head of the Government Communication Unit, who signed the letter from the attorney general’s office with the government’s “interpretation” of the ruling.

-Robert Laizer, in charge of the rangers at Lengijape, Arash.

-David Mkenga, in charge of the rangers at Klein’s gate, Ololosokwan.

 

Serengeti National Park rangers again joined the crime, on 26th October 2023, seizing cattle on village land and driving them to Lobo inside Serengeti, rushing to have them auctioned off as “unclaimed property” while the owners and local leaders were working hard to have them released. The magistrate court authorized the selling on 31st October, and it went ahead, even after the high court in Musoma issued a stop order against it on 1st November. The auctioning order was reversed on 10th November and Judge Komba ordered the matter to be heard interparty. There were no receipts from the auctioning that apparently had started already on 27th October. On 7th November, MP Shangai spoke up in parliament.

 

On 15th November 2023, in just one minute and promising a “reasoned” version for two weeks later, the judges in the first instance division in the East African Court of Justice dismissed Application No.2 of 2022, a contempt of court application arising from Application No. 15 of 2017, filed in September 2017, during the brutal and illegal mass arson operation on village land that started in August 2017. This inexplicable ruling was issued even when the applicants’ lawyers were NEVER given a chance to argue the application in court!

 

On 29th November, the Appellate Division of the East African Court of Justice allowed Appeal No.13 of 2022 and remitted Reference No.10 of 2017 - inexplicably dismissed on 22nd September 2022 - back to the trial court. The court also awarded costs to the applicants. 

 

In the 21st– 27th November and 28th November – 4th December issues of the viciously anti-Maasai Jamhuri newspaper, the journalist Manyerere Jackton was back complaining on behalf of OBC, as he had earlier done in over 60 articles. After every law and every human right was violated to accommodate OBC’s long-term wish for a 1,500km2 game reserve, the hunters apparently don’t feel appreciated enough by NCAA and complain that two other investors are still allowed in the game reserve, that it’s full of livestock, and basically that it’s not properly managed by NCAA.

 




Already on 28th November NCAA issued a reply to the Jamhuri. Among other issues, NCAA literally boast about between January and November 2023 having seized 6,165 goats and sheep, 13,217 heads of cattle, and extorted 785,475,000 TShs in “fines”. An admission of crime indeed.

 

On 7th-11th December, hundreds of women in Ololosokwan held protests about the theft of land and livestock, and some 1000 cattle that had been detained for over a week. According to a clip that was later shared, the women had been struggling for three days to convey their problem to the public. In large number they had even blocked the road. Though this was during one of many strange silences and infuriatingly none of the many young men from this village who are active in social media even shared the video clip. Some tell me that the women themselves could have made sure the video was shared. Someone even added English subtitles, so I don't know what happened. 



 

On 14th December 2023, the EU parliament passed a resolution on the Maasai communities in Tanzania, brought by six groups of EU parliamentarians. The wording was brief, but very relevant and factual (unlike a writing almost a decade ago). They urge the Tanzanian government to halt evictions, allow safe return, respect land right, rule of law and human rights, allow observation visits etc. 


The last days of 2023, Mwanzo TV aired interviews with former Ngorongoro CCM chairman Ndirango Laizer, Megweri Mako from Ololosokwan who’s one of the court applicants against the criminal government, and the activist Norkirropil Moko Kurtut. The wonderful Noorkishili Naing'isa was also interviewed, but that’s still not online. Everyone else was silent.

 

The strange Loliondo silence continues. This is very demoralizing and terribly hurtful when done by some individuals who’ve kept it up for a long time now. Earlier silences have been explained by anything between that all was too terrible, and nobody knew what to say, or that (like sometimes last year) cattle entered the stolen land with smaller payments to the rangers. In January 2024 there have been undetailed reports of cattle seizures in Malambo, but I hope that the temporary stay of operation of the “game reserve” by the High Court has had some effect. Apparently, meetings about community strategy have been held. Currently the problem is flooding and not access to dry season grazing. On 22nd January, in the High Court there was the contempt of court case and the Substantive Application for Judicial Review, but both were rescheduled for April. Whatever is happening and however demoralizing it may be, I will continue reporting about the brutal Loliondo crime until the land is returned and after that I will for the rest of my life keep reminding of what happened so that it’s never repeated. Now when I have this summary to refer to, I hope I can publish briefer and more frequent blog posts.

 

Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com

 

Please contact me with any questions about Loliondo. Never guess and never copy hurriedly written newspaper articles, or even reports by serious organizations, without double checking. Also, please contact me with any information you may have. Don’t assume that I’m getting it automatically. I must chase people 24-7 for information. While anyone with good intentions is allowed to use anything written in my blog, and I’ve long ago understood that many fear being associated with me, I appreciate being given credit or at least having my blog linked to.

 

 

 

UNESCO out of Ngorongoro, Remove the World Heritage Status NOW! Stop President’s Samia’s War Against the Maasai Everywhere! And Stop Harassing Joseph Oleshangay!

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A joint UNESCO, IUCN and ICOMOS mission made a totally government commandeered visit to Ngorongoro Conservation Area and Msomera 3rd– 9th February 2024. The Tanzanian government has in a similar manner tried to hide what’s going on from a mission from the European parliament, the members of which refused and were no longer welcome. The African Commission of Human and People’s Rights went along with the government’s ridiculous ways in January 2023 and in Loliondo they were prevented from visiting a single victim of the brutal and illegal evictions of 2022. The UNESCO case is different though since this organization not only does not care about being misled but are the actual main instigators of the government crimes in Ngorongoro. This is how UNESCO always conduct their visits, avoiding the people of NCA, even when they this time for the first time, in the “State of conservation of properties inscribed on the of World Heritage List (Extended forty-fifth session Riyadh, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia 10-25 September 2023)” addressed “alleged” violations – that it claims to have received numerous letters about in 2021 and 2022 - urging the State Party to demonstrate, ensure and rebut.

 

I had hoped to be speedier this year, but as seen, this blog post is terribly delayed, and this is partly because I still haven’t seen any reports at all from the government side. Others who’d been expected to speak up have also been silent. Complete and confirmed information about other developments has also been too hard to obtain, while too much has been happening, and keep happening. I fear that I've left out several important issues. 

 

The government propaganda continues all over Tanzanian media, boasting about the “voluntary” relocation of the Maasai. The main argument is the totally government-created situation in Ngorongoro. It’s just perverse, but it seems like most Tanzanians who aren’t bad members of the worst praise team, or blinded by hatred against the Maasai, see through it.

 

Meanwhile, in early March a presentation to the minister of an assessment by the Ministry of Natural Resources of no less than four new game reserves in the northern zone of Tanzania was revealed. This is a proposal for spreading the massive, brutal and illegal land dispossession as committed in Loliondo to all over Maasai land. 


I must again add a reminder not to mix up Ngorongoro Conservation Area with Loliondo  where there in 2022 was a brutal and illegal military operation to alienate 1,500 km2 of important dry season grazing land as a protected area, which had been lobbied for by OBC that organizes hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, and its rejected legitimization land use plan, funded and facilitated by Germany. This blog post is mostly about Ngorongoro Division/Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA) where the Tanzanian government uses cruel restrictions, blocking of repair permits, illegal defunding of social services, and severe harassment to make the Maasai relocate to other people’s land far away.


In the early hours today, 31st March, President Samia replaced John Mongella as Arusha RC. Good riddance! Mongella has been the official overseer of the war against the Maasai and must be dealt with in every human rights court for his leadership role in the Loliondo crime. The problem is that the replacement is Paul Makonda, who in his time as Dar es Salaam RC 2016-2020 became known, even internationally, as a hardcore criminal. After three years in the cold, five months ago, Samia rehabilitated Makonda as CCM Ideology and Publicity Secretary. What is the blood-soaked ogress with an illogical international image as a “reformist” really thinking?


In this blog post:

Unstoppable installation of Joseph Oleshangay as laigwanani

Joint UNESCO, IUCN and ICOMOS visit

UNESCO and Ngorongoro

2nd phase of the Msomera madness

Very brief NCA background

Loliondo

MNRT presentation of massive land alienation plans for the northern zone

 

Unstoppable installation of Joseph Oleshangai as Alaigwanani

Let’s start with the good news. Or not only good, since the threat against Joseph Oleshangay has worsened, but he and those installing him as alaigwanani were not intimidated. On 14th  March 2024, police in plain clothes set a trap to abduct Joseph but fortunately he was informed of the plan and was able to get out of the trap. He was informed that he might be arrested at night and chose to relocate out of his home just before midnight. At 4am on 15th March the home in Endulen of the lawyer and award-winning activist, harder to intimidate than most, was invaded by more than ten policemen. They were looking to abduct him, but Joseph was not in the house. On Twitter/X Joseph wrote that if anything is to happen Samia Suluhu Hassan and the Tanzania Police bear primary obligation, adding the obvious, “Otherwise, this does not intimidate or stop me doing what I do, it’s lawful, it’s logical, it’s sensible and no threat can stop me. Saying Samia Suluhu Hassan is targeting Maasai as a community and dispossessing all our land for trophy hunting and hotel investment is not inciting revolt, is telling truth to power which I have obligation to do as a concerned citizen. If I can’t say, stones will complain against it.”

 

In the afternoon, the police were back at Joseph’s home and stole tents and chairs set up for the ceremony the following day.

Ongoing theft by police.

 

This harassment followed a social media post in the stupid/hysterical style, in the past known from the Loliondo police state. The post calling for the government of Samia Suluhu Hassan to deal with Joseph Oleshangay, since as alaigwanani he will create a dangerous rebellious group (though he’s never held a gun) and claim an independent Maasailand separate from the United Republic of Tanzania. Then the worst of all is that he’s working with three NGOs that collaborate with me (the leadership of one of those is so intimidated that any kind of communication with me was cut almost a decade ago …)  The president’s chawa, praise team (or literally "lice"), and assorted “conservationist” trolls found this post very “patriotic”.

 

A letter from the Ngorongoro Officer Commanding District on 14th March was shared, prohibiting all gatherings in Endulen without a permit, since investigations had found that there was to be a big gathering on the 16th, with indications of potential breach of peace, and the police was to take stern measures against anyone facilitating such a meeting. This is of course ridiculous and has no legal ground. People wondered if they would be allowed to attend mass without a permit.

 


The online chawa and trolls celebrated that the installation of Joseph as alaigwanani had been stopped.

 

The same day, among other reshuffles, it was announced that Ngorongoro chief conservator Richard Kiiza, after only 5 months, has been removed by President Samia. The reasons for this are not yet known and neither is the successor. Anyway, it was good riddance. The latest I had  heard about Kiiza was that he had employed students from Tengeru College to move around “convincing” the Maasai to relocate out of Ngorongoro. Later, reports of corruption have been revealed. 

 

From 0:13am to 10:00am of 16th March the police were back at Joseph’s house searching through every corner.

 

On the 16th, the celebration installing Joseph Oleshangay as alaigwanani went ahead without disturbances, other than that the police again at 4pm came looking for him, without finding him. Every time the police arrived at his home, Joseph was informed by a person put to monitor the road and therefore relocated to a place from where he could see the police vehicle at home.

 





Then the police were back searching Joseph’s house in the evening on the 17th and on the 18th. Joseph has in open forums reported that one of the policemen is from Mtwara, and another one from Dodoma. A notorious Rastafarian policeman is part of the team on all occasions. This individual also blocked Tundu Lissu’s entrance to Ngorongoro last September.

 

One reason for this harassment is that people in power are particularly unhappy with Joseph’s previous activities and this time triggered by his participation in conversations on the podcast of Genocide Watch, the link to which he shared on 9th March. The definition covers not only mass killings like Rwanda 1994, or the ongoing genocide committed by Israel in Gaza, but also forceful assimilation as in the case of Putin to Ukrainian children, or in the form of creating conditions of life that end in slow death to a certain population or race. This is what the Tanzanian government has for the last three years been doing in Ngorongoro division. It has paralyzed social institutions as healthcare, education, etc. Everywhere the government is targeting areas occupied by Maasai, like the brutal and illegal military operation in Loliondo 2022, alienating 1,500km2 for a “game reserve” and the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism has presented plans for doing the same in several Maasai areas in northern Tanzania (see below), while eviction notices have been given to 8 villages whose land is irrationally claimed by Kilimanjaro National Park. This falls within the definitions of the Rome Statute Article 6 and the Genocide Convention Article 2. 






The complaint is also about maps of Maasailand that Joseph has shared, and the reaction is as if those would have been drawn by him when one is by a deacon from the 19th century, the other by the British Colonial government in 1934 and a third by Samia’s government itself and used in the Ministry’s presentation of massive land grab plans (see below).



Ngorongoro MP Emmanuel Oleshangai too was on 3rd March, in a traditional ceremony installed as alaigwanani, about which there are differing opinions. Most think it will make him more effective defending the people of Ngorongoro, while others are not happy with the same person sitting on several chairs, especially since his actions on the ground are less impressive than when he speaks up in parliament. At the day of the ceremony, many attendants – including Simanjiro MP Olesendeka (CCM), who on Good Friday, 29th March, survived an assassination attempt when unknown assailants riddled his vehicle with bullets - were stopped at Lodoare (or Lodware) gate by NCAA, hellbent on harassing. For some reason, those attendants have not spoken up. 

 

Traditional ceremonies are none of the government’s business, but there seems to be some kind of fantasy-laden obsession that has led to the use of obvious and ridiculous imposters, like the infamous Lekisongo, that’s been reported about in previous blog posts. Adding to the panic is of course the fear that Joseph as a alaigwanani may influence people to support opposition parties.

 

On 28th March, Joseph’s employer, Legal and Human Rights Centre, issued a statement that they are alarmed by the safety concerns facing their staff member, revealing that Joseph since 2023 has been under surveillance and receiving calls from individuals claiming to be police officers. They will do whatever is possible to ensure that Joseph and his family are safe.

 

English version.



Joint UNESCO, IUCN and ICOMOS visit

Om 7th February a press release was issued by several pastoralist and human rights NGOs saying that UNESCO had secretly started their monitoring visit to NCA by deliberately and maliciously keeping the Maasai unaware. The mission had arrived on the 3rd and would end on the 9th. “The mission was triggered by pressure from the outcry of the Maasai and human rights organizations from around the country and across the globe concerning allegations of gross violation of human and land rights of the Maasai residents of 25 legally registered villages”, said the press release. A Kenyan member of the mission had been prevented from participating, after a request by the Tanzanian government.

 

On 5th February, the UNSECO, IUCN, ICOMOS mission held a meeting at the office of the Arusha RC, John Mongella, official overseer of the efforts to empty NCA of Maasai, and of the brutal and lawless land alienation in Loliondo. The mission met with tourism and conservation stakeholders. Reportedly, Frankfurt Zoological Society (FZS) – the infamous German organization with decades of work against Maasai land rights, including their work to impose the Draft District Land Use Framework Plan 2023-2043 that would retroactively have legitimized the brutal and lawless land theft in Loliondo, but was rejected by the councillors. FZS’s message was about a “population explosion”. Besides that such a thing isn’t remedied by relocating the Maasai to more populated areas that belong to other people, the fact is that Ngorongoro is less densely populated than almost any area in Tanzania.

 

On 6th February those that have registered to relocate to Msomera were called to sign something at the ranger post in Kapenjiro, the village that NCAA – in the usual style, also known from authorities and investors in Loliondo - have focused on for divide and rule and from where the traitor Ndwala Ngoishiye is. 40 people showed up and had to wait for hours without knowing what they were there for, while the NCAA officials drove around to find more people who had registered, until they got six more. Of these people a few were “prepared” by NCAA to talk to the UNESCO mission through an interpreter. The mission never met with any legitimate Ngorongoro Maasai representatives, and not with any village or ward leaders.

 

Then the UNESCO mission went to Msomera where they were presented to the usual Ngorongoro migrants that are used for government propaganda, and not with the displaced Msomera villagers.

 

On the 8th, after the press release and a letter from concerned EU parliamentarians, NCAA attempted to pick up various leaders for a meeting in the evening, but everyone refused a late last-minute meeting when they had not earlier got any invitation at all for the UNESCO visit, or any kind of information. Moreover, it does not feel particularly safe to be picked up like that after the abductions and torture of over 30 people in August-September 2023, following the protests against blocked reparation permits for Ndian primary school. At that time even the Ngorongoro MP, Emmanuel Oleshangai, published a letter saying that he feared for his life and that if anything happens to him it should be known that the instructions come from the then Ngorongoro DC, Raymond Mwangwala, and the Arusha RC, John Mongella. The MP himself and several local leaders had their homes invaded by rangers and police, and the MP was abducted for two nights.


Meanwhile, on 12th February President Samia visited the Vatican and a small group of Tanzanians in Italy, organized by Anna Peter, held a protest and issued a press release

 

I'm told (missed it myself) that on 15th February 2024, World Heritage Watch hosted a virtual presentation on the situation of World Heritage Sites and a presentation was made on the human rights situation in Ngorongoro. UNESCO Headquarters and the African division responded and denied their involvement in the Maasai displacement despite evidence of the government to their complicit roles.

 

Then, as far as I have been able to find out, nothing has been reported by the government or its minions about the UNESCO visit.

 

UNESCO and Ngorongoro

As mentioned in earlier blog posts, for the first time in its Stateof conservation of properties inscribed on the of World Heritage List (Extendedforty-fifth session Riyadh, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia 10-25 September 2023) UNESCO is addressing these “alleged” violations – that it claims to have received numerous letters about in 2021 and 2022 - urging the State Party to demonstrate, ensure and rebut, while stubbornly denying any own responsibility and putting a lot of faith in a not yet released report by the African commission on Human and People’s Rights that in January 2023 made government commandeered visit to NCA, Msomera and Loliondo.  

 

UNESCO has earlier claimed to “never at any time asked for the displacement of the Maasai people.” This was not and is not true. In September the UNESCO claim was instead never to have endorsed or requested forced displacement. The Tanzanian government has through the years used UNESCO’s threats of delisting Ngorongoro Conservation Area as a World Heritage Site, its repeated population panic, and distaste for agriculture of any kind, or “modern” buildings, as an excuse to worsen the human rights situation. The most rabidly anti-Maasai press enjoy reporting about UNESCO’s support for eviction plans, and the government has referred to it in its response to being sued in the East African Court of Justice (Reference No.29 of 2022, for which hearings are apparently never scheduled). UNESCO’s general secretary in Tanzania, Hamisi M. Malebo, not only supports relocation of the Maasai out of Ngorongoro Conservation Area but has in a shameless and loud way voiced support for the extremely violent and illegal demarcation of 1,500 km2 of essential grazing land in Loliondo and Sale for a “game reserve”. He is repeatedly used as the Tanzanian government’s “expert” in front of international organizations, and I have not seen any kind of indication that UNESCO would distance themselves from this unhinged and malicious idiot. I’ve been informed that, while UNESCO is obviously a criminal organisation it has no legal relationship with the national UNESCO commission of Tanzania. Malebo though is having a great time using the name UNESCO and indeed the organization has never objected.

 

When the genocidal Multiple Land Use Model review proposal was presented in September 2019, the UNESCO World Heritage Centre, the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) and International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) had once again visited Ngorongoro in March the same year and in their report repeated that they wanted the MLUM review completed to see the results and offer advice, while again complaining about the visual impact of settlements with “modern” houses, and so on. They also recommended the State Party to continue to, “promote and encourage voluntary resettlement by communities, consistent with the policies of the Convention and relevant international norms, from within the property to outside by 2028”.  As known, unlike recommendations about too many vehicles (the presence of which instead is loudly celebrated), the MNRT loves this kind of recommendation, and the resulting MLUM review proposal was so destructive that it would lead to the end of Maasai livelihoods and culture in Ngorongoro District, and as seen, the genocidal plan for Loliondo, including the annexation to NCA of the illegally demarcated land, has been brutally and lawlessly implemented.

 

The MLUM review report proposed to divide Ngorongoro into four zones, with an extensive “core conservation zone” that is to be a no-go zone for livestock and herders. In NCA this includes the Ngorongoro Highland Forest, with the three craters Ngorongoro, Olmoti and Empakaai where grazing these past few years has been banned through order by PM Kassim Majaliwa, not law. This has led to losing 90% of grazing and water for Nainokanoka, Ngorongoro, Misigiyo wards, and a 100% loss of natural saltlicks for livestock in these wards. The proposal is to do the same with Oldupai Gorge, Laitoli footprints, and the Lake Ndutu and Lake Masek basins. In the rest of Ngorongoro District, the proposal was for NCAA to annex the Lake Natron basin (including areas of Longido and Monduli districts, like Selela forest and Engaruka historical site) and the 1,500 km2 in Loliondo and Sale Divisions and designate most of these areas to be no-go zones for pastoralists and livestock. These huge areas include many villages and are important grazing areas, the loss of which will have disastrous knock-on effects on lives and livelihoods elsewhere. The most recent proposal presented by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism is to have them converted into “game reserves” (total land alienation, for tourism hunting). The in June 2022 implemented alienation and annexation of the 1,500 km2 in Loliondo caters almost perfectly to the wishes of OBC. Only 18% of NCA would remain for people and livestock in the 2019 MLUM review proposal. Is there any sincere person who would dare to say that this can be achieved through “voluntary” relocations? While In Loliondo extreme violence was used, in NCA the brutality of restrictions and harassment keeps worsening to make the Maasai leave “voluntarily”.

 

Another example of the instigation by UNESCO is the decision about Ngorongoro in the 4 session of the “Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage World Heritage Committee” from July 2021, UNESCO is there still requesting the State Party to provide information about “the status of agricultural activities in the property” when even the smallest kitchen garden had been banned since 2009, because of UNESCO’s repeated “deep concern” which has led to malnourishment, and they continued being concerned with,“challenges resulting from the significant increase in the number of people residing in the property since its inscription”.

 

UNESCO has never expressed any concern, deep or otherwise, about that the MLUM review from 2019 proposes a cultural genocide. Instead, they pretend not to have seen it, since “the State Party has not appended this review in their responses”. I don’t know if it was presented to them during the visit. Their partner in incitement, the IUCN, did issue a statement against the extremely violent and illegal land alienation in Loliondo – maybe as damage control for the trophy hunting industry that the IUCN appears to be close to – but not one word from UNESCO (and the Tanzanian government continue catering to several other hunting operators in its terrifying game reserve plans). Loliondo is mentioned as “outside the World Heritage property”, which it is, but the fact is also that since August 2022, the brutally alienated village land in Loliondo is an illegal protected area managed by the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority and the genocidal 2019 MLUM review, besides evictions, proposed annexing it to NCA. When you keep inciting an authoritarian government that values tourism revenue above human rights, is prone to violence and lawlessness, and full of pathological liars, to do something about too many people, you’re complicit to crime, however much you keep mentioning consultations with stakeholders and rightsholders, and international norms – and now urging the so-called State Party to demonstrate, ensure and rebut.

 

How come that UNESCO is so totally unconcerned about the people of Ngorongoro and their culture that they have kept encouraging relocations as long as they’re “voluntary”, and not asked questions about the “allegations” of abuse by the government that’s been going on for decades (before taking a sharp turn for the worse under Samia Suluhu Hassan’s presidency) until petitions and letters became “numerous”? What kind of dehumanizing forces make them share the concerns by the tourist-conservation industrial complex?

 

Delisting Ngorongoro Conservation Area as a World Heritage is long, long overdue.

 

 

2nd phase of the Msomera madness

As mentioned in an earlier blog post, the Tanzanian government was so rattled by an EU resolution in support of the Maasai that the spokesperson Matinyi already the following day (15th December) issued a statement with the usual horrible lies, focusing on the “voluntary” relocations from Ngorongoro division (and with even bigger lies about Loliondo). There’s the usual about houses built and other wonders in areas of relocation, without mentioning that the Msomera villagers weren’t consulted and only informed at gunpoint when their land was handed over to Ngorongoro migrants. Matinyi denied arrests in NCA when even the MP was arrested/abducted for two nights (see earlier blog posts). Ridiculously, it’s claimed that the Maasai are relocated for their own good since wild animals are a danger to them and because of the “necessary” constrained development and economic activities in Ngorongoro, when those are constrained by the government itself. Still, the government claims that it’s offering all social services, when no renovations permits are granted since 2021, Endulen hospital - run by the Catholic Church that repeatedly has voiced support for the Maasai, is threatened with downgrading, clinics defunded, and funds for schools transferred to Handeni. The spokesperson was also boasting about that the government/NCAA is sponsoring university fees for students from Ngorongoro division when this has been stopped since April 2023.

 

On 22nd December, leaders from Ngorongoro rebutted Mantinyi’s lies, one by one. 

 

On 5th January, Matinyi issued another statement upon the relocation of 30 Ngorongoro households to Msomera. Responding to a question about the blocked funding for social services in Ngorongoro Conservation Area, from John Marwa of Jambo TV (online media, formerly named Darmpya TV, regular media would never make relevant questions) he made a confession of crime, saying that the government can't improve social services in Ngorongoro, since it's moving people.

 


At another propaganda spectacle for "journalists" in Msomera, on 17th January, spokesperson Matinyi made a most terrible announcement about changing the NCA Act to exclude people from the area. Then nothing more has been heard about this and most people find it more likely that the government will continue with the so-called “voluntary” relocation. Still, some international media have mistakenly understood this as if the law would already have been changed.

 

The 2nd phase of the so-called “voluntary” relocation of Maasai to other people’s land in Msomera, Kitwai, and Saunyi villages goes on. Judging by the constant triumphant government noise it’s hard to understand what a small percentage of the total population have relocated. Besides the totally perverse boasting while comparing the very purposefully created hardships in Ngorongoro - for decades and with a sharp acceleration since 2021, since when all repair permits, and funding of new social services have been blocked - it’s popular among government officials and supporters of emptying Ngorongoro of its people to talk about how the Maasai are being “eaten by wild animals”. Still, at a seminar in February to teach journalists how to report about human-wildlife conflict (sadly, Tanzanian journalists are diligent students when taught by authorities at seminar funded by the Germans), Ngorongoro was not mentioned as among the ten worst districts when it comes to such conflict. Neither does it looks so on this map covering the northern zone, by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism. Maybe all Tanzanians should be relocated somewhere else to leave the entire country for tourists only?



 

During the 2nd phase relocation in mid-January, a young man called Leepalai Ndete Kashiro was caught by NCAA rangers for refusing to relocate to Msomera and released on bail on 19th January. Leepalai’s paternal uncle, mzee Kashiro, who has been his guardian since his father passed away years ago is an NCAA employee who’s registered to relocate with his two wives. This mzee Kashiro used to take care of his brother’s widow and children but took the widow’s (Leepalai’s mother) 15 cows and her sheep and goats with him in lorries to Msomera on 16th January and her two houses were demolished by NCAA. The widow and her children are left without a home and without cattle. Leepalai’s brothers who first refused to relocate, have been forced to do so together with their wives. Mzee Kashiro took Leepalai’s cattle with him too and he and his wife were left without a home and without cattle.

 

To media Leepalai’s uncle said, “Young people these days have no manners. He’s my biological son and he has no boma. The house is my property and I have decided to move voluntarily. He can’t mess with me and then I just leave him. Authorities must take their course'.

 


The charges against Leepalai were about “obstructing ranger work”, but those charges seem to have been dropped, or the case was dismissed. Now he, his wife and his mother are staying with relatives in Oloirobi.

 

Leepalai is an unsung hero who on 28th October 2020 – election day – at Oloirobi polling station protested shameless election fraud and was shot in the stomach when NCA rangers and police opened fire at the protestors. Salula Ngorisiolo was killed in the same shooting and to date local leaders – all of whom are CCM – have not spoken up.

 

On 17th February Oltimbau Koromo Ndakaris physically assaulted his wife Naataang’for refusing to relocate to Msomera with him. Naataang’ was hospitalised for days following grievous bodily injuries sustained from her husband beatings. Initially, the police detained Oltimbau for three days but refused to take him to court. It has become a custom for state authorities to become lenient in cases involving mistreatment of people defiant to state relocation. Naataang’ and her children are now staying at her father's home at Losilale sub-village, Endulen village.

 









Some complaints by those that have relocated keep being repeated, like households that have bomas with several houses - belonging to several wives, or to adult children with spouses - are demolished in Ngorongoro, and then they are given only one house in Msomera. Not everyone feels sorry for them. Activists, notably Kuya Lanyoru, have in March highlighted the case of Ngorkisho Lowassa Songopa and her children. On 31st March, Jambo TV uploaded a video in which some of the dispossessed Msomera villagers are again speaking up. 

 

On 27th February, the opposition party CHADEMA held a demonstration in Arusha calling on the government to address the high cost of living and advocating for constitutional rights and electoral reforms. Also featuring prominently in speeches and on banners was the denouncing of the government’s theft of land for tourism and conservation all over the country, and particularly in Loliondo and Ngorongoro. Peter Msigwa, who has earlier in a terrible way shared the government’s views and misinformation about Ngorongoro, now walked behind a banner that said that Ngorongoro is the land of the Maasai and calling for the president to give them their freedom. I have earlier engaged in some speculation about Msigwa’s previous terrible behaviour. Just forgiving without him even apologizing seem frivolous, but there are people in CHADEMA with deep, authentic, and informed support for the Maasai, notably Tundu Lissu. Boniface Mwabukusi was speaking up strongly at the manifestation, as he has done elsewhere. Several Maasai from Ngorongoro were participating, Lanyor Kuya, Julius Laitayok, Tubulu Nebasi, Rotiken Babu, Ndalamia Taiwap, Isaya Olepose, Denis Moses, Shayo Alakara, Thadeus Clamian, Ezekiel Sumare, Ramat Lonjumuya, Joseph Oleshangay, those who are working in town as the security guards, and others.











On 7th March, various CCM leaders from Ngorongoro division held a press conference to once again denounce ongoing abuse and the Msomera madness. There was the Endulen village chairman, Thomas Oltwati, the councillor for Nainokanoka, Edward Maura, councillor for Alaitolei, James Moringe, and the women’s representative from Alaitole, Naayai Sung'ar, among others. The leaders issued another statement on 26th March. This time including the corruption during Richard Kiiza’s five months as chief conservator with some eyebrow-raising examples that could have a blog post of their own. Kiiza spent his five months paying 1,250 US dollars per night, staying at Ngorongoro Lodge Meliá (formerly Wildlife Lodge), while payments of university fees for Ngorongoro youths have been stopped and even sick rhinos and elephants aren't treated and samples collected to establish cause of death are lost for lack of transport.


On 28th March, the director of the prevention and Combatting of Corruption Bureau presented the agency's 2022-2023 report to President Samia. Among other cases, this report uncovers the misappropriation of 4 billion TShs by TANAPA, NCAA and the Tanzania Tourist Board, including a loss of 1.3 billion to NCAA for fictitious flights abroad. 

 

On 19th March 2024, a letter, dated 15th March, from the acting District Executive Officer Emmanuel Sukums (otherwise known as educational officer) to headteachers in Ngorongoro division was shared. Sukums informs the headteachers that children to parents that have relocated out of Ngorongoro are not allowed to attend boarding schools in Ngorongoro division, without a permit from the chief conservator, claiming that this could be a strategy for people to return to Ngorongoro, which interferes with government strategy. According to Sukums there has been a big wave of students from outside moving to boarding schools in Ngorongoro. This kind of prohibition is of course just more hooliganism and has no legal ground. There are families from which only one parent relocated, and the children remained. This move is intended to limit their access to education.

 




According to government accounts, by mid-March 2024, 7,195 people (not all of them genuine) have moved out of Ngorongoro in the relocation exercise since it was initiated in mid-2022. The same government estimates the total population of Ngorongoro division to 110,000, which experts regard as hugely inflated and including staff from the tourism industry and NCAA employees.

 

Meanwhile I've got reports that new tourist camps and lodges are being built in the Ndutu area. There are others in the highland and crater rim. I’d say that the case for a tourism boycott on Tanzania is very strong. 

Looluwa, Misigiyo

 

Very brief NCA background

All permits for construction or renovation of schools or health facilities in the 25 villages of NCA, even those already with government funds in their accounts, or third-party donations, have since 2021 been denied by the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority and since 2022 there’s a drive to manipulate the in every way suffocated Maasai to relocate to other people’s land, that in no way can accommodate pastoralism, 600 kilometres away. These are not the first restrictions or eviction efforts, but the worst. There’s a population panic – used as an excuse for any human rights violations - on part of the government and some international organizations, notably UNESCO even when Ngorongoro is less densely populated than most areas of Tanzania and has become a huge tourism money-maker for government coffers and deep pockets, with the Maasai living there, in their land.

 

The Maasai already lost access to over 14,000 km2 when evicted from Serengeti in 1959 by the colonial government – accompanied by Bernhard Grzimek’s rallying cry, “Serengeti Shall Not Die” (this Nazi-party member also wanted the Maasai out of Ngorongoro and is still revered by the German embassy in Tanzania) -  and as a compromise deal, they were guaranteed the right to continue occupying the 8,292 km² Ngorongoro Conservation Area as a multiple land-use area administered by the government, in which natural resources would be conserved primarily for their interest, but with due regard for wildlife, and in case of conflict the interest of the Maasai would take precedence. This promise was not kept, and tourism revenue, as seen again and again, has turned into the paramount interest, with restrictions for the Ngorongoro Maasai.

 

In 1975, after a change in the NCA Act in 1974, the Maasai were brutally evicted from residing in Ngorongoro Crater and all cultivation was prohibited. The cultivation ban was lifted in 1992, but brought back in 2009 (or 2008), to the whole of NCA, after many “grave concerns” in the recommendations by UNESCO and IUCN. Now not even the smallest kitchen garden is allowed, which together with loss of access to grazing areas has led to malnutrition. The Maasai are not allowed to build permanent houses and suffer all kinds of harassment by NCA rangers that want to restrict motorbikes, building materials, and demanding permits for just anything, including demanding ID for the Maasai to pass Lodoare gate.


In 2006, there were relocations to Jema in Oldonyosambu ward of Maasai deemed not to be original inhabitants of NCA. It’s said that most of these people have returned - and in April 2021 they were threatened with eviction.

 

After a visit by PM Majaliwa in December 2016, the Maasai lost access to the three craters Ngorongoro, Olmoti, and Empakaai – by Majaliwa’s order and not by any change to the NCA Act - which has led the loss of 90% of grazing and water for Nainokanoka, Ngorongoro, Misigiyo wards, and a 100% loss of natural saltlicks for livestock in these wards. This was done through order and not any change in the law. Replacement salt donated by the NCAA was found to be substandard, adulterated, and lead to the death of many cows.

 

In September 2019, the notorious chief conservator Freddy Manongi made public a Multiple Land Use Model review proposal, with a zoning proposal that was so destructive that it would lead to the end of Maasai livelihoods and culture in Ngorongoro District. The proposal included the Loliondo 1,500 km2 land theft with annexation to NCA, which was committed in 2022, and has led to widespread impoverishment.

 

Shortly after having come into office in 2021, Samia Suluhu Hassan started bringing up the need to “save” Ngorongoro from the Maasai, in an explicit and repeated way not used by any previous president. A week after her first of many speeches of this kind there was on 12th April 2021 demolition orders for private houses, and government buildings like primary schools, dispensaries, Endulen police station, also churches, and a mosque, which after protests was stopped until further notice. The government switched to the tactic of denying permits for already funded constructions and repairs, defunding social services, and blocking any new projects.

 

Also in 2021, in May, the NCAA headquarters were hastily relocated to Karatu, promotional spectacles headed by the infamous chief conservator Freddy Manongi were held on parliamentary grounds, and in September 2021 a clip was uploaded in which then Deputy Minister Mary Masanja complains about having seen cattle on a trip with MPs and Manongi talks about a war, that pastoralists “have many conspiracies” and that conservationists must start cooking their own conspiracies.

 

2022 started with a leaked fast-tracked plan for “voluntary” relocations of Ngorongoro Maasai. In the plan the Kitwai and Handeni GCAs are named as the areas for relocation and misleadingly described as protected areas that will be declassified. On the ground in Msomera, Handeni, there was of course a registered village with its land use plan and bewildered villagers looking on as houses were speedily being built for Ngorongoro Maasai. Eventually some Msomera villagers started speaking up about dispossession and abuse. Arusha RC John Mongella was the recommended overseer of the project, and that’s what he become for the whole of the war against the Maasai in both NCA and Loliondo/Sale. The plan recommended seeking permission to use COVID-19 money allocated for the development projects to fund the eviction of Ngorongoro Maasai - and then on 31st March 2022 then DED Mhina sent letters to Ngorongoro headteachers ordering them to transfer COVID-19 funds for Ngorongoro schools to Handeni District council.

 




Adding to the assault, Flying Medical Service the only non-profit Air Ambulance Service in Tanzania, was grounded for 16 months by the Ministry of health and the Tanzania Civil Aviation Authority, from April 2022 to August 2023 when they were temporarily allowed to operate again, but only for emergencies. This temporary clearance ended in November 2023.

 

A hate campaign against the Ngorongoro Maasai was sharply escalated in media, led by the editor/owner of the Jamvi la Habari newspaper, Habib Mchange, the stupidly screaming sports presenter turned frontpage reviewer turned inciter of ethnic hatred, Maulid Kitenge, and the old anti-Maasai Jamhuri paper with Manyerere Jackton and Deusdatus Balile. While in the one-party parliament on 9th February 2022, parliamentarians competed in being wilfully or genuinely ignorant, hateful, and calling for evictions from. The Mtwara MP screamed that tanks were needed, there was much laughter and table banging, while only three MPs (all Maasai) spoke up for the Maasai. Then meetings about Ngorongoro were held with Maasai imposters from other parts of Tanzania. Minister Ndumbaro held lying sessions with diplomats to tell them the “truth” about Ngorongoro and Loliondo. Then some in-authentic, compromised, or naïve Maasai registered to be relocated to Msomera and much paraded in media, with former MP Kaika Saning’o Telele (who in 2023 started complaining) as the worst example.

 

A meeting was held on 12th October 2022 between government representatives and Endulen Hospital. The government plan was announced as to further suffocate key life serving services downgrading the hospital to a clinic, which has not been implemented. This was adding to the harsh defunding of clinics and dispensaries and the unexplained grounding of Flying Medical Service for 16 months.

 

On 29th March 2023, the Controller and Auditor General (CAG), Charles Kichere, announced that 2.5% of Ngorongoro households had been “relocated” at a cost of TShs 24.7 billion. In a threatening way, he said that the cost for “relocating” the remaining 22,000 households would be TShs 988 billion. The CAG did not disclose where the money is coming from.

 

In his budget speech of early June 2023, the then still Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism, Mohamed Mchengerwa, in a militaristic way promised that there will be no turning back, no surrender, in completing the relocation exercise to Msomera.

 

On 13th July 2023, 15-year old Joshua Olepatorro from Nainokanoka was attacked by NCAA rangers when returning from having grazed cows in Olmoti crater. The ranger identified as Elibariki Israel Namungu - beat him with the butt of his gun, so that three of his upper front teeth were smashed out, and then they left him there in the bush, until he was picked up by his friends. The artist Sifa Bujune was arrested for incitement and then charged with specifically the lines about Joshua Olepatorro as “false, deceptive, misleading, or inaccurate”, violating the Cybercrimes Act. This case was eventually dismissed.

 

In August 2023, there were weeklong protests against blocked repair permits for Ndian Primary School, which was followed by a crazy manhunt in which over 30 people were abducted and tortured for up to a week. Even the Ngorongoro MP was “arrested” and his whereabouts were unknown for two nights.

 

On 9th September 2023, Tundu Lissu was blocked from visiting NCA, and then arrested and charged with illegal assembly for having held two meetings in Loliondo the previous day. This led to protests by women in Ngorongoro division, heavy presence, and harassment by the Field Force Unit, including arrests and beating of women perceived as leaders.

 

On 25th September 2023, Chief Conservator Manongi signed a MoU with the army, or more exactly the national service, Jeshi la Kujenga Taifa (JKT), about building 5,000 houses in Msomera, Kitwai and Saunyi villages, half of them in Msomera. The construction was initiated in a very militaristic way on 6th October.

 

On 12th October 2023, it was announced that the notoriously horrible NCA Chief Conservator Freddy Manongi has been replaced, two years after he was supposed to retire. Then, on 15 March 2024, his successor, Richard Kiiza, was removed. 

 

Loliondo

Not much is heard from Loliondo. From Ololosokwan there have been reports that there is no longer any patrolling or seizures of cattle, but that’s also because there’s been plenty of rain and grass in all areas. I’d wish that the reason were that the High Court has stayed operation of the illegal game reserve until determination of the case concerning the president’s Government Notice – a court order that’s ignored by the lawless government. There have been reports with little details about illegal seizures in Malambo and in Arash I’ve been told that such crime is so common that people don’t even bother to report it.

 

On 17th February there was an incomplete, but significant victory in the Resident Magistrates' Court of Musoma for Loliondo pastoralists against the Serengeti National Park cattle rustlers and fraudsters (DPP/Republic). The amount in the Forfeited Assets Revenue Collection account after auctioning must be reimbursed to the cattle owners. This is not the value of the livestock and sales/theft had started before the auctioning. Still a victory, since the court makes it clear that procedures were not followed. I’ve earlier written in more detail about this outrageous case of Serengeti National Park rangers again joining the crime in Loliondo – where the NCAA could not manage to fake any legal ground for having seized cattle auctioned off. Serengeti rangers on 26th October 2023, seized cattle on village land and drove them to Lobo inside Serengeti, rushing to have them auctioned off as “unclaimed property” while the owners and local leaders were working hard to have them released. The magistrate court authorized the selling on 31st October, and it went ahead, even after the high court in Musoma issued a stop order against it on 1st November. The auctioning order was reversed on 10th November and Judge Komba ordered the matter to be heard interparty. There were no receipts from the auctioning that apparently had started already on 27th October. On 7th November, MP Shangai – who had got involved and been in contact with Serengeti representatives and ministers - spoke up in parliament. And in the interparty rerun of the case, the judge found that procedures were not followed at all.

 

Where is Oriais Oleng’iyo?                                                                               

 

MNRT presentation of massive land alienation plans for the northern zone

In early March started circulating a presentation by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism , dated January 2024, for Minister Angellah Kairuki, of evaluation on how to commit the same theft of pastoralist land as in Loliondo and using the same lies – in areas all over northern Tanzania. This intention of crime was presented already in the MNRT budget speech on 3rd June 2022, there as a threat to areas all over Tanzania, and long before that as a local threat in many parts. The Maasai in this zone have already lost massive land to several national parks.



 

What’s presented is to "upgrade" huge parts of game controlled areas (legally registered village land, often containing hunting blocks) into game reserves, which is the same radical dispossession of land as a national park - but with tourism hunting as its main money maker. As said, the same crime as was committed in Loliondo in 2022, and the illegal and destructive "Pololeti Game Reserve" in Loliondo is presented as a done deal when there is a myriad of court cases, and the high court has stayed operation of the game reserve while the case regarding the president's GN is ongoing. The lawless government is however ignoring this court order. The first GN (government notice), by the Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism, declaring the 1,500 km2 a protected area was declared null and void in the High Court for lacking mandatory consultation. The same applies to the president’s GN, so that one too should be thrown into the dustbin.

 

I must write a blog post dedicated solely to this game reserve presentation that if implemented would destroy Maasai culture and livelihoods in the whole of northern Tanzania.

 

As known, "upgrading GCA to GR" is not the only tool in the government's war against the Maasai and other rural Tanzanians. As described in this post, we have Ngorongoro where the Maasai are supposed to be driven out by restrictions, illegal defunding, and harassment, under loud propaganda for relocation. Kilimanjaro International Airport is an excuse for dispossessing eight villages and an eviction order has been issued even when there’s an ongoing court case, national parks expansions are a threat in many areas, like Ruaha NP massively, on 27th March, 547 heads of cattle were illegally seized in Iyala village that’s claimed for expansion of Ruaha NP, while others must hand away their land "voluntarily" as WMAs, or else ...

 

I have sometimes, but not enough, brought up Lake Natron threats and resistance in this blog, and those have included WMA, game reserve or annexation to NCA. The illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve” in Loliondo is both “game reserve” and placed under NCAA management, which adds another layer of illegality. This presentation to the minister proposes an extreme 3,918 km2 “Lake Natron Game Reserve” affecting massive village land in both Ngorongoro (Sale division) and Longido districts. There are currently four investors in hunting blocks in the area, including Green Mile Safaris that received international protests years ago when a video of terrible hunting abuse was revealed. Kilombero North – owned by Akram Aziz - that are currently under criticism for the hunting of two more or less habituated trans-boundary “super tusker” elephant bulls that were being studied by researchers in Amboseli, Kenya. 



Further, the presentation proposes a 448 km2 “Longido Game Reserve”, in the area where Michel Mantheakis, chairman of Tanzania Hunting Operators Association has a hunting block. It leaves out Enduimet WMA, but as seen in Wami-Mbiki, WMAs do not always protect against game reserves. Then there’s a huge 1,501 km2 “Mto Wa Mbu Game Reserve” and a 747 km2 “Lolkisale-Simanjiro Game Reserve”. Left out of this plan are forest reserves and commercial farms and ranches. It’s Maasai grazing land that’s targeted. The areas left out in the presentation are already there and hunting blocks are never in their entirety effective hunting areas, so any talk about that they are “reduced” is, like in the Loliondo case, complete nonsense.

 











In a hyperbolic way, I’ve suggested that the Tanzanian government may just as well empty the whole country of people and focus solely on tourism, but that’s basically what this plan is about for the northern zone … Stop it!

 

 

Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com



Please contact me with any questions about Loliondo. Never guess and never copy hurriedly written newspaper articles, or even reports by serious organizations, without double checking. Also, please contact me with any information you may have. Don’t assume that I’m getting it automatically. I must chase people 24-7 for information. While anyone with good intentions is allowed to use anything written in my blog, and I’ve long ago understood that many fear being associated with me, I appreciate being given credit or at least having my blog linked to.



Updates:


3rd April

Mongella was appointed as CCM Deputy Secretary General (Mainland).

Thomson Safaris acquired by Lindblad Expeditions Holdings, New Report by the Oakland Institute, and a New Court Case Against Thomson’s Land Grab is on the Way

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I have for too long, with too many distractions, been writing a new blog post with some updates about the brutally and illegally in 2022 demarcated “Pololeti Game Reserve” that’s taken away almost all dry season grazing land in Loliondo, again about how the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism wants to replicate this crime all over northern Tanzania, and about how the Maasai of Ngorongoro Conservation Area suffer all kinds of restrictions, withholding of permits and funds, and harassment to make them relocate “voluntarily” far away to other people’s land. To avoid another far too long blog post, I’ll break it up and first post some news about the ruthlessly hypocrite and pompously lying land grabbers that made me start this blog many years ago – Thomson Safaris.

 

On 16th April, with mixed feelings I received the news that the Oakland Institute had published a new report, Capitalizing on Chaos: Thomson SafarisTightens its Stranglehold Over Indigenous Lands in Tanzania, about the American company, owned by land grabbers and ruthless hypocrites Rick Thomson and Judi Wineland for 40 years. Then on 30th April 2024 a press release all over the internet announced that Wineland-Thomson, Inc had been acquired by Lindblad Expeditions Holdings, Inc., a travel company that focuses on ship-based voyages, through its subsidiary Natural Habitat Adventures. I have no idea what the implications of this will be, but sadly it seems like Thomson’s “team” remains intact. The constant reference to Thomson’s excellent “brand name” is a resounding failure for the strategy of silence, lying low, and throwing allies under the bus, while setting all hope on uncertain court cases, and now even delaying a new case. Unless Lindblad Expeditions are as criminal and ready to work with a police state as Thomson and Wineland have been for so many years, they must stop business and immediately vacate the Maasai grazing land in Sukenya and Mondorosi villages, Loliondo division, Ngorongoro District, by Thomson named "Enashiva Nature Refuge", also called "Eastern Serengeti Nature Refuge". I have of course written to Lindblad Expeditions (without any reply other than some promotional emails for tourists).

 

Not Ngorongoro district, but must be mentioned, yet another atrocity in the Tanzanian government’s war against the Maasai, on 7th May, the Kilimanjaro RC, Nurdin Babu, invaded 8 registered villages and demolished houses on land claimed by Kilimanjaro International Airport. A preliminary injunction for a notice of a coming court case had been denied and the violence that had been a threat since 1985 exploded, like so much is exploding under this worse than ever lawless, anti-Maasai, and pro-tourism government. Over a thousand people have been left homeless, children, mothers and the elderly in terribly wet and mosquito infested conditions. Livestock are being driven away to prevent capture and auctioning.

 

This brief blog post is delayed due to the delay of the court case, the preparation of which apparently is complete, but held up by an unresponsive CSO that’s supposed to do “vetting”. I have also had problems getting anyone to read the draft of this post to see if it’s suitable, fair and clear, but then at least someone did so.

 

When Tanzania is free and all stolen land has been handed back, I may write the truth about NGOs, or maybe not.

 

Some issues may in this blog post be insufficiently described to keep brevity. Read my summary, other blog posts, or ask me for a better understanding. Other issues must for the foreseeable future be kept vague.

 

In this blog post:

Thomson Safaris and my comments on the new Oakland report

Campaign victory for Oakland when World Bank suspends REGROW funding

Lastly,

 


Thomson Safaris and my comments on the new Oakland report

Between 2010 and 2016 I blogged about these ruthlessly hypocrite land grabbers. Later I’ve posted updates with much less detail after local activists, mostly out of fear, decided to put a lid on all information, others basically stopped going to the area stolen by Thomson, I was no longer allowed to enter Tanzania and my fingerprints had been registered in the Tanzanian Immigration computer network. Still, my summary from 2018 is by far the best explanation of what had happened, but inexplicably Oakland in the new report does not include a single link to it, or any other of my blog posts, while referring to not that carefully written articles (from 2009 and 2014) but that add to the understanding of what’s going on by describing how the reporters were personally harassed. Though even in that less important regard my case would be stronger (abducted for three nights and repeatedly slandered in national press and social media, while five years before that, before I was even a blogger, I asked the wrong person about Thomson and the district security committee confiscated my passport and had me thrown out of the country). Erasing me was not nice, to put it mildly, and certainly not helpful to those who want to learn more. 


Putting a lid on everything is regularly attempted in the case of 1,500 km2 as well, but more information gets out anyway, since more people are affected. In Ngorongoro Conservation Area there’s another mentality and some people will always speak up openly and with their face and name, perhaps because there isn’t the experience of the many years of the very peculiar Loliondo police state, even when arrests, torture and treason take place in NCA too.

 

The land grab

Thomson Safaris claim 10,000 acres (for many years 12,617 acres) of Maasai grazing land as their own private “Enashiva Nature Refuge”. A small piece of land compared to the illegal game reserve that was brutally demarcated in 2022, but adding to the problem, huge when you’re there on foot, with or without cattle, and worse when you live next to it. Thomson base their claim on that the then parastatal Tanzania Breweries in 1984, free of charge, were allowed to cultivate 10,000 acres in Soitsambu village (later split up and now this land is in the villages of Sukenya and Mondorosi). After having grown barley on 100 of the 10,000 acres in 1985/1986 and some 700 acres in 1986/1987 while the Maasai continued using the rest of the land as before, TBL left due to an unfriendly natural (drought and wild animals) and social (sabotage to equipment, according to Moringe Parkipuny) environment, and the whole of the land reverted to Maasai land use. Many years later, in 2003-2004 TBL – using obviously forged documents (even a stamp was forged for “Sukenya village” that didn’t exist as such until decades after the date on one document) – got a 99-year right of occupancy, which they in 2006 sold to Thomson Safaris (through their company Tanzania Conservation ltd, that was apparently created for this purpose) at the throwaway price of US$ 1.2 million.

 

Thomson’s cosy use of the local police state

Thomson Safaris had been warned that they were buying a conflict, and could not have missed how much land the Maasai had already lost and how much was under threat (this was under President Kikwete’s horribly anti-pastoralist first term, with its brutal "anti-livestock" operations, from Usangu in 2006 to Loliondo in 2009) but apparently felt safe that authorities would protect them against the legitimate landowners, which is what happened. Besides their own guards, they employed the local police to keep the Maasai and their cattle out of the “nature refuge”. When instances of violence reached the press, Thomson’s reaction was to deny everything and paint themselves as the victims, in a way that has disgusted many people who have been contacted by them, not least, or maybe most of all, myself. 


Thomson Safaris copied and perfected OBC’s way of using a local police state to defame any land defenders, have them harassed, called to the district security committee for interrogation, arrested, and not least accused of being “Kenyan”. In fact, the first thing I ever heard from one of Thomson’s friends was that the problem was a “Kenyan” Maasai woman telling the “locals” to “squat” on the land. They also copied OBC’s use of charity as a weapon, depending on divide and rule (made easier by the fact that the land lays between three Maasai sub-sections) and compromising selected leaders, mostly the same as those compromised by OBC. Though it may be “unfair” to talk about copying when the repression against Thomson’s critics (before the government moved to create the 1,500km2 illegal game reserve and abducted all ward councillors for over five months) was even harsher than against other Loliondo land defenders.

 

Thomson have sought the assistance by Tanzanian authorities not only against the Maasai whose land they claim for their own private nature refuge, but against anyone reporting what they’re doing, even when they’ve had an invitation from the land grabbers themselves. Several international journalists have got caught, which should have sharpened their reporting and made them follow-up, but it did not … Maybe the first one, Trent Keegan, would have done something better, but he was murdered in Nairobi, after leaving Loliondo where he was threatened. Tanzanian newspaper articles were soon replaced by those written by Thomson’s own American employee whose Tanzanian wife engaged in “befriending” local leaders and providing contacts higher up (or that’s what she boasted about, according to a former Thomson employee). This destructive couple, after several years, moved on, which now is years ago, and the wife has, perhaps genuinely, reinvented herself as some kind of freedom fighter, in which she avoids mentioning this nasty job. Though there could also have been the factor of those reporting (not only this blogger) being thrown under the bus by intimidated local CSO people.

 

New court case on the way

While Oakland’s new report is thin, and not so recent, when it comes to facts from the ground, which they with their resources, and new friends and contacts, could do better, it’s very valuable indeed for sharing facts and new documents regarding the court struggle and Oakland’s own communication with the pompously insincere Thomson Safaris, through their lawyers. Though it did hurt like a thousand knives that such new documents have not been shared with me. Most importantly, and quite reassuringly, was the “news” that 141 villagers from Mondorosi, Sukenya and Soitsambu already on 20th November 2023 issued a 90-day notice of intention to sue the Commissioner for Land, the Ngorongoro District Council, and the Attorney General. Their demands in this notice are more serious and to the point than I would have expected: the president to immediately revoke the land title, TCL (Thomson Safaris) to stop its businesses and immediately vacate the land, and damages of 200 billion TShs paid for economic and social losses. It’s the best I’ve heard in a very long time. 

The court case was supposed to be filed at the end of April, and then the second week of May. Apparently, the pleadings are all prepared and complete, but stuck with a CSO that’s supposed to do some “vetting”, but has become unresponsive.

 

Downhill after 2013, plummeting from 2016, fear paralysis in 2018, and crashing in 2022

The main issue in Oakland’s new report is that Thomson have capitalized on the chaos of the brutal and illegal demarcation in June 2022 of the 1,500km2 as a “game reserve” by one-sidedly planting their own beacons to demarcate 10,000 acres as their private nature refuge, and increased abuse against the villagers to enforce these new boundaries. Even I was informed about this and wrote about it at the time in 2022. This abuse originates from the madly unfair ruling in Land Case No.26 of 2013, filed in the good old times (then I had no idea how good those times were) when a threat by Minister Kagasheki against the 1,500 km2 Osero had been defeated and the Maasai were united. An earlier case, filed by Soitsambu village council in 2010, had been dismissed. The judgment came in October 2015 when the court ruled against the Maasai on all points except a minor one concerning Tanzania Breweries adding 2,617 acres in 2004. This was appealed, but as mentioned, a CSO that had too much influence over it put a tight and heavy lid on all information.

 

Regarding 2013, in 2012-2013 three young men and two children were beaten arrested and dragged through court by Thomson for “trespassing”. In June 2013, the case was finally dismissed since Thomson were contradicting themselves too much about whether Thomson Safaris or TCL was the “owner” of the land. I met two of them in July the same year. They were happy, felt that with unity they could defeat Thomson, and full of praise for their lawyer, Shilinde Ngalula. It’s totally heartbreaking how everything has then gone downhill.

 


After several people were in 2016 arrested accused of having shared “espionage and sabotage information” with me (even Advocate Shilinde, inside the court precinct and in full court attire was arrested and accused of incitement and espionage) and four were charged with these farcical “crimes”, I only heard about Thomson Safaris from people who came online once a year, or so, and whose messages were hard to understand. It should be noted that those arrested were not who at the time were sharing most information with me - about Thomson and OBC/1,500km2 – and some had been quite silent for years. This together with the passive prosecution, which led to the case eventually being dismissed, indicated that the aim was intimidating and silencing, and this was in several ways successful. One important person was a year later, after years of “offers” and quite serious threats, compromised by Thomson, and stopped even his very sporadic communication.

 

Case killing drive

In 2021, then District Executive Director Jumaa Mhina put heavy pressure on village chairpersons to withdraw court cases (both regarding the 2017 mass arson operation in the 1,500 km2 Osero and Thomson Safaris’ land grab) - even when it wasn’t anything the chairpersons can do on their own - and almost succeeded in making them withdraw the appeal, but the chairmen changed their mind and decided to stay firm. Still, on 18th February 2022, this appeal was killed based on legislation introduced under Magufuli to do away with all separation of power, so that local governments can’t sue the central government, and can’t use private lawyers, but it should not have been possible to use this on a case filed before the law came into operation. Still, the court shockingly ruled that the case did no longer exist, and the lawyers to the villages weren’t even added to the court records. Can Thomson influence the court like this? Probably. Would they? Definitely. The court had in 2015 ruled that both parties were to participate in the – madly unfair – resurveying, but Thomson notorious Enashiva manager, Daniel Yamat, in the wake of the extremely brutal and illegal demarcation of the 1,500km2“Pololeti Game Reserve”, in July 2022 planted the beacons with district authorities and police, excluding the villagers.

 





Boundary enforcement

Oakland detail how the again stricter boundary enforcement affects people from Enadooshoke and Irmasiling east of the stolen land who must take a detour to reach the rest of Mondorosi or Soitsambu, schools and health clinics, and the assaults by Thomson guards against children herding livestock, which is something that has been going on for a long time. Children certainly ran away when I arrived unannounced at the stolen land in a (non-Thomson) vehicle, but not when arriving by motorbike. Besides passage, the land is early dry season and early rainy season grazing, and the restrictions have varied through the years, with how developments are going in court, maybe media coverage, but most of all, when Thomson’s servants at the district council and the DC have expressed concerns over protests against Thomson/police violence, particularly when Olunjai Timan was shot in 2014. What I heard after the demarcation was that Thomson was invading people’s farms with road construction. In Sukenya, ole Musa was invaded by Thomson, and in Mondorosi, ole Nanyoi (Irmasiling) and ole Orgeso (Enadooshoke) were under attack. I was at the time expressly asked to mention the names.

 

Running away in 2013.

In October 2022, there was another exhibition of charity as a weapon of war at Sukenya dispensary with Judi Wineland and then DC and human rights criminal Raymond Mwangwala. In December the same year, I was informed that when Thomson was chasing away cattle, one cow belonging to mzee ole Orgeso was killed when hit by a Thomson vehicle and Thomson’s guards were beating children, as is their custom.

 

Land use classification

According to the report, there are concerns that Thomson are now – when there is not (yet) an ongoing court case - lobbying the government for a change in the land use classification of “surrounding” areas (though not so clear if Oakland actually mean that, or refer to the 10,000 acres, or both. It varies through the text.). I thought that Thomson had not succeeded in changing the official land use classification of the stolen 10,000 acres, but since the silence of the past years has been so horrible, I fear anything could have happened after the 2022 killing of the appeal. Oakland, but not I, have access to a letter by the village councils requesting the Minister of Lands to reject such a change in land use. I’ve got hold of one person who should know and who said that the classification, that must pass through the district council, had not been changed. In October 2009, a sign was put up next to “Enashiva Nature Refuge” saying, translated from Swahili, “The Government hereby intends to change the land use in Farm no. 373 which is situated in Sukenya and which is owned by Tanzania Conservation Ltd from agriculture and pastoralism to conservation and tourism. Any person liable to be affected by the changes should express their opinions via the office of the District Executive Officer within 30 days from the 27th of October 2009.” Both Soitsambu Village Council and the District Council held meetings and produced minutes strongly opposing the change in land use. 

Thomson had been lobbying for this change since 2006. It should not be possible to pass such a land use change since the district council does not only consist of the district officials at the service of Thomson, but also the elected councillors, who are all more or less compromised – but not to that extent. Though one specialty of Thomson is “befriending” councillors, just like OBC, and I really wish anyone who knows could inform me about who are currently compromised. In 2010 I was shocked to, from Thomson’s website, learn about one case, the then councillor of Enguserosambu who according to the “investor” was seeking a “partnership” between Orkiu village and Thomson. The councillor was at this time communicating with me, pretending to be a land defender and even his colleagues said they had been unaware of his treason. Then we of course have a more lawless than ever government that could illegally bypass relevant authorities.

 



Thomson replying to Oakland in their usual style

Interesting, but unsurprising, is Thomson’s reply to Oakland when given the opportunity to respond to allegations. Oakland are advised to consult with the Solicitor General, the Commissioner for Lands, and the Tanzania Police Force (the police directly work for Thomson and were at least in the past responsible for much of the violence …) before publishing such “unfounded allegations”. In the past Thomson would have published their own contrived and obvious lies to “rebut”, but I suppose they have become more media trained, or discovered that nothing happens and tourists keep coming. Most of the response consists of urging Oakland to produce a copy of their registration certificate as an NGO authorized to operate in the United Republic of Tanzania, since otherwise what they doing is an “offence”. They do of course not have such registration, since they aren’t a Tanzanian NGO. It is indeed typical of Thomson to refer to their closeness to government authorities as some way to “prove their innocence”, which is surreal to hear for anyone even remotely familiar with Tanzania. Not only does the government’s anti-Maasai and pro-tourism efforts perfectly align with Thomson’s, but any crime committed by Thomson has already been committed, and is being committed, a thousand times worse by the government itself.

 

Oakland’s first report and the year 2018

Oakland first report, from 2018, was quite good indeed regarding Thomson, but outdated, basically a delayed report from 2015, with some updates, and certainly relying on my blog, even if I was only mentioned as someone who “says” I was deported. Regarding OBC and the 1,500km2 it was mostly good, but with some radically incorrect information about the key issue of the 1,500km2, and confused about some other issues. In later articles Oakland presents more correct information, and has, unlike with the first report even been open to making corrections, after having got more Tanzanian “anonymous researchers” and been in contact with more people (me included). 2018 was, for partly unknown reasons, but the fear of President Magufuli was peaking - a year of extreme silence and fear among local activists. The Tanzanian army set up a camp Lopolun that year (later made permanent with funds from NCAA), and then got on a rampage against local people, including some of those defending their land against Thomson, while there was a general fear that everyone had been sold out by local leaders. Some (very far from all, but it got worse towards the end of the year) CSO people were even eager to disassociate themselves from Oakland’s report, while everyone was too afraid to use it as an occasion to speak up, so Oakland should know what it’s like to be thrown under the bus, and I even helped them at that time (not with the report about which I was unaware, except that they certainly read my blog, but with the “bus” thing after it was released) … Oakland are now friends also with under-the-bus throwers, but deny that this would be the reason that there wasn’t a single link to my blog. The reason was that their “anonymous researchers” did not read my blog. There’s a lot more to say about this, but it will have to be some time in the distant future.

 

The name and online reputation

I’m not so sure that Thomson have changed the name of their claimed “Enashiva Nature Refuge” to “Eastern Serengeti Nature Refuge” as Oakland say. The latter has been used for years in their online material directed to clients while “Enashiva” is also still in use. Anyway, it’s better to mention both. In a court declaration against a website in 2013 Judi Wineland said that Thomson “incur fees of thousands of dollars per month to an agency specializing in search engine optimization, online reputation management and analytics”. I don’t understand how that works, or if it can make this blog less likely to be found.

                                                               

Judging by their interest in the Kenyan Northern Rangelands Trust (years ago, and I reported about it then, they sent people on a study tour) and their online spinning, Thomson Safaris’ self-image is as some “benevolent” colonial landowners, engaging in conservation and community development via the tourism business. However, their land grab was committed a century too late. While very nasty indeed and with heavy government support, they are just a tourism operator and with some unity and seriousness they should have been chased away long ago, before everything turned this bad. Let’s see if the new owners will do the right thing and hand back the land.

Thomson's camp in 2013.

 

Campaign victory for Oakland when World Bank suspends REGROW funding

While beyond the scope of this blog (but not my scope in social media) the Oakland Institute has had a campaign success with the World Bank and the REGROW project that affects other parts of Tanzania than reported about here – because it’s a big deal and because even if Oakland have chosen to treat me like dirt, they mostly do a very good job.

 

Oakland, also on 16th April, published a brief, which was indeed brief, on the US as a driving force behind Tanzania’s aggressive expansion of the tourism sector at the cost of land rights and rural livelihoods. I must return to comment on this in coming blog posts, but regarding Thomson, USAID and Thomson’s long and close “partnership” with AWF come to mind in several ways. Otherwise, it’s Germany that’s funding and facilitating these crimes in Loliondo. Though it seems like USAID is involved in most harmful projects about “corridors”, WMAs and expansion of the tourism sector in Tanzania. Since the US can’t even be stopped from arming the Israeli terror state and occupation force’s current livestreamed genocide in Gaza, it would seem futile to expect any impact, but on 22nd April Oakland announced that as of 18th April the World Bank, funded by the US, has with immediate effect suspended disbursements for REGROW - a US$150 million project that began in 2017 to “improve the management of natural resources and tourism assets" in southern Tanzania.

 

In September 2023, Oakland released a report revealing how this project is directly financing evictions and egregious human rights abuses against communities living near the Ruaha National Park. Oakland is quite critical of how slow the World Bank has been in reacting, but I’m amazed that they reacted at all. Serious human rights violations, evictions and eviction threats have been going on around Ruaha National Park for at least two decades, reported by Tanzanian organizations and researchers, there’s been legal action, and even the press has sometimes, not always, reported on the somewhat regular torture, disappearances and killings of local people by Ruaha National Park rangers (sometimes mentioned briefly in this blog), and about cattle seizures with the same extortionate “fines” as in Serengeti, and in Loliondo after the 2022 land theft. Most reported about were the brutal evictions of herders from the Usangu basin in 2006 and the infamous GN No.28 of 2008 for massive expansion of Ruaha National Park, lobbied for by tourism investors. This government notice has been a regularly issued threat, which has intensified with the current tourism-crazed and brutal government. The World Bank can hardly have been unaware in 2017, but Oakland made them act.

 

On 20th April, Ruaha rangers again invaded the village of Iyala and seized 809 heads of cattle, claiming that they were inside the national park. Instead of the going extortion of 100,000 TShs per head, they demanded 150,000. The herders had not got legal representation.

 

On 25th April, Tanzanian government spokesperson Mobhare Matinyi said that the government does not violate human rights in any of its projects, that when the World Bank gets clarification everything will continue as planned, and that the project would continue even without the remaining World Bank funds, the amount of which was also downplayed by the spokesperson.

 

By the way, another area were people are frequently being disappeared and murdered by national park rangers is west of Serengeti National Park (not Loliondo and Ngorongoro that’s to the east). Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition and others have reported about this, but no international coverage that I know of.

 

Lastly,

As if anyone would need another vomitive, the grabber of Maasai land and ruthless hypocrite Judi Wineland, is reported as saying, "Rick and I have spent more than 40 years building a set of companies we can be truly proud of, so when it came to passing the baton, we had extremely high expectations. We knew we wanted our legacy to be honored and our values to be upheld. We knew it had to be a company that believed tourism must be an instrument for good, benefiting local communities, preserving the land and wildlife, and bringing guests closer to the natural world. We found the perfect match in Lindblad Expeditions and Natural Habitat. We are excited to see our companies reach even greater heights under their careful and caring stewardship."

 

Don’t honour this “legacy”! Stop Thomson Safaris! They should have been stopped so long ago. Lindblad Expeditions, remove the beacons, stop all business on the stolen land, and vacate it immediately!

 

Stop them!

Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com

 

Please contact me with any questions about Loliondo. Never guess and never copy hurriedly written newspaper articles, or even reports by serious organizations, without double checking. Also, please contact me with any information you may have. Don’t assume that I’m getting it automatically. I must chase people 24-7 for information. While anyone with good intentions is allowed to use anything written in my blog, and I’ve long ago understood that many fear being associated with me (partly understandable for Tanzanians, but NOT for non-Tanzanians), I appreciate being given credit or at least having my blog linked to.

 

The Attack Against Loliondo Never Ends, the Government is Looking to Repeat it All Over Tanzania, Using Lies About GCAs, While Trying to Erase the Maasai from NCA by Taking Everything Away from Them, Now Including Voting Rights and Then Even Delisting the Villages - There are Ongoing Massive Protests

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As so many times before, much of the focus (now obscured by needing to write about multiple other issues) of this horribly delayed blog post is to explain what a game controlled area is. This is important, since the government’s lies are so much centred on creating confusion around what such an area is. Now a government notice deregistering all wards, villages, and sub-villages in Ngorongoro division (not Loliondo/Sale) has been found, the government keeps spiralling into total insanity and I must publish this blog post and write a new one about Ngorongoro Conservation Area and massive manifestations since 18th August (to some extent also covered in this post). Updates at the end.

 


The crime by the Tanzanian government against the Maasai continues in Loliondo with almost all dry season grazing land in 2022 brutally stolen to create a game reserve lobbied for by OBC that organizes hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai. While operation of the illegal game reserve is suspended by the High Court until determination of the case, the government continues in contempt of court. The most dangerous enemies of the Loliondo Maasai (after the Tanzanian government), namely UAE and Germany, keep using charity as a weapon of war.

 

In Ngorongoro Conservation Area – not to be confused with Loliondo/Sale - the restrictions, denial of permits, withholding of funds for social services, and harassment, including not allowing opposition party meetings – all with the aim of making the Maasai relocate far away to other people’s land, while applying terra nullius/GCA lies to the people supposed to accommodate the Ngorongoro Maasai. Some of the Msomera villagers suffering this invasion have again spoken up.


It's been revealed that all voters register update/polling stations have been removed from Ngorongoro division (Ngorongoro Conservation Area, not to be confused with Loliondo/Sale), and Ngorongoro residents find themselves registered in Msomera village in Handeni. 

 

Now former Minister Kairuki did not want anyone to talk about the leaked presentation proposing four new game reserves, just in the northern zone, so I must remind about that horror. Meanwhile, there’s more imminent land alienation all over Tanzania.

 

At least the European Commission has started to understand what’s going on and removed Tanzania as eligible for an 18-million-euro project.

 

The almost purposefully hidden new case against the horrible land grabber Thomson Safaris is finally coming along.

 

A statement by the Tanzania Tour Operators’ Association combines support for and denial of the government’s crimes and makes the case for a total tourism boycott clearer than ever.

 

On 14th August, President Samia returned the human rights criminal Pindi Chana to head the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism.

 

18th August dawned with massive manifestations and blocking of the Ngorongoro-Serengeti road. These protests continue. I hope to very shortly publish a blog post about the disenfranchisement and protests in NCA (not to be confused with Loliondo/Sale), but it’s covered in this very lengthy one too.

 

A new age-set was introduced on the Ngorongoro Crater floor. Welcome Irmegoliki!

 

In this blog post:

-In court, while the government continues its lawlessness

-The Tanzanian government’s changing stories about Loliondo GCA while attempting to steal all dry season grazing land within it

-The crime of 2022 that does not end

-The leaked report to repeat the Loliondo crime in four areas of the northern zone

-European Commission removes Tanzania for eligibility for conservation funds for northern zone and tour operators openly defend the government regarding Ruaha

-The stinking UNESCO and IUCN engaging in GCA lies about the Loliondo land theft

-OBC becoming more visible

-Amnesty report about investors in the illegal game reserve in Loliondo

-Article in the Atlantic months ago

-Disenfranchisement and massive protest in NCA

-The president telling the origin story about her hatred for pastoralists

 




In court, while the government continues its lawlessness

As reported earlier, the government continues disrespecting court orders after the High Court on 19th September 2023 ruled that in the case regarding the minister’s GN that the “Pololeti Game Controlled Area” is null and void for two reasons: mandatory consultation was lacking, and the president's decision to on 14th October 2022 (when court cases against the minister’s GN had already been filed) declare a “Pololeti Game Reserve” on the same land automatically repealed its status. And the operation of “Pololeti Game Reserve” is since 22nd August 2023, stopped by the court until determination of the case regarding the president’s GN, which means the new and illegal Game Controlled Area is non-existent and operation of the equally illegal Game Reserve has been stayed (suspended) by the Court pending determination of Miscellaneous Civil Causse No.178 of 2022. According to the court, the land is reverted to the old 4,000 km2 Game Controlled Area, which overlaps with village land and does not restrict human activities.

 

In the High Court, the contempt of court case - Miscellaneous Civil Application No. 106 of 2023 – against former DC Mwangwala and four others – directly involved in continued cattle seizures and a malicious statement claiming that the whole 4,000 km2 Loliondo GCA would have been a protected area - was on 8th April dismissed for technical reasons. Personal accountability is badly needed, and I thought it was an excellent idea that those that can be shown to be hands on practising contempt of court should be dealt with, but apparently the problem was that they aren’t respondents in Miscellaneous Civil Cause No.178 of 2022, only the Attorney General is. This is being appealed. Naturally, there are doubts about how independent a Tanzanian court can be. This case dealing with the president’s GN No.604 of 2022 was postponed to 24th June, and since this blog post keeps being terribly delayed, there’s now information that the hearing was further postponed to 20th August, when it was mentioned and now the ruling will be delivered on 22nd October.

 

If this all sounds confusing, it’s because the Tanzanian government with Wildlife Conservation Act 2009 (WCA 2009, which came into effect in 2010) no doubt purposefully introduced confusion to use while lying and stealing land. Game Controlled Areas (GCAs) are huge areas over much of Tanzania, almost entirely overlapping with village land and not restricting grazing or agriculture. Many of them, like in Loliondo, contain and delineate hunting blocks that also include non-hunting areas, even towns, while the actual hunting takes place on wildlife-rich grazing land. In WCA 2009, a GCA was, on the contrary, made into a strictly protected area, not allowed to overlap with village land, but unlike national parks allowing hunting, or more exactly, have this activity as their main purpose. This kind of area already existed under the name game reserve, which further shows that the intention was land theft with confusion and lies. According to WCA 2009, within one year of the act coming into operation the minister should, after consultation with the relevant authorities (villages and district councils), ascertain which GCAs should continue. This was not done and to date, except for Loliondo - illegally, with a brutal military operation and abductions of all ward councillors instead of “consultation” - and for a brief time before being turned into a game reserve (equally illegal) – no old unprotected GCA has been turned into the new kind of protected area called a GCA.

 

There was a proposal, funded by OBC, to turn their core hunting area of 1,500 km2 into the new kind of GCA, but this was in 2011 rejected by the Ngorongoro district council. In 2013 the horrible minister Kagasheki, introduced the current demented lie of pretending that the 4,000km2 Loliondo GCA – which includes all district headquarters, the DC’s office and the magistrate court – already was a protected area that had been “invaded” and that the Maasai would be generously gifted with the land outside the 1,500 km2. At that time such a malicious attempt fell on its own absurdity and cruelty when both the ruling party and the opposition came out in support of the united and protesting Maasai. After that, any kind of common sense and independent thinking was rooted out of CCM under Magufuli and with Samia came a president with a messianic tourism cult and a personal hatred against the Maasai – and the disaster that should never have been allowed to take place, still did so in 2022.

 

Meanwhile, the cases in the East African Court of Justice are paralyzed. Hearings have been cancelled indefinitely due to budget issues, reflecting badly on the seriousness of the member states. This affects the re-run of Reference No.10 of 2017 after Appeal No.13 of 2022 was allowed by the court. The ruling in September 2022 (that the Maasai would have failed to prove that the 2017 mass arson operation took place on village land, as opposed to Serengeti National Park!) was not only unjust but decidedly strange, and it was accompanied by what can only be described as judicial hooliganism, with last second postponements during extreme contempt of court (the 2022 brutal demarcation not only violated every law and human rights but also interim orders issued by this court in 2018) and one of the judges was the son of an infamous grabber of Maasai land in Kenya. Even worse judicial hooliganism was committed when the judges in the first instance division on 15th November 2023 dismissed Application No.2 of 2022, the contempt of court application arising from Application No. 15 of 2017. The applicants’ lawyers were never given a chance to argue the application in court! The son of a landgrabber (Charles Nyachae) was involved in this too.

 

Besides of the re-run of the 2017 case, the cases that are paralyzed in the East African Court of Justice are Reference No.37 of 2022 Megweri Mako & 5 Others vs. Attorney General of Tanzania regarding theft of the 1,500km2 in 2022, and Reference No. 29 of 2022 Thadeus Clamian vs. Attorney General of Tanzania regarding illegal and suffocating restrictions in Ngorongoro Conservation Area, which has never had any hearing.

 

As reported in the previous blog post, for years there’s been deliberate withholding of information about Thomson Safaris’ disgusting land grab (currently 10,000 acres in Sukenya and Mondorosi villages). Now at least Misc. Land Application No. 14157 of 2024 was in court on 23rd July, the state attorney was given 14 days to respond to the application and on 15th August the court ruled on this miscellaneous application granting a representative suit. The plaint is to be filed within 30 days. The case replaces the one filed by the villages in 2013 and the appeal against an unjust ruling. This appeal was killed in February 2022 based on legislation introduced under Magufuli to do away with all separation of power, so that local governments can’t sue the central government, and can’t use private lawyers, but it should not have been possible to use this on a case filed before the law came into operation.

 

Ngotieti Kokoyo v. NCAA and 2 Others Criminal Appeal No. 9980 of 2024 is a case concerning illegal restrictions on livestock from other areas entering Ngorongoro division. A hearing is set for 4th September. At an earlier date it was postponed, since the government lawyer was not in court.

 

The Tanzanian government’s changing stories about Loliondo GCA while attempting to steal all dry season grazing land within it

-In the early 2000s, the Tanzanian government, together with Frankfurt Zoological Society (FZS), were pushing the Maasai to establish a Wildlife Management Area (WMA), which can only be established on village land where much of the management is handed over to investors, conservation organizations and the government, while the land nominally stays as village land. The Maasai of Loliondo succeeded in rejecting the WMA.

 

-During the terrible drought in 2009, the 1,500 km2 Osero was illegally invaded by the Field Force Unit working with OBC’s rangers, with mass arson, dispersal of cattle, and abuse of every kind. 7-year-old Nashipai Gume was lost in the chaos and never found, ever since. After various strange announcements in the press, in September the same year an official statement on the arson operation was issued by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism and signed by Minister Mwangunga. This statement said that the operation was necessary to save wildlife, water sources and the tourism hunting industry and that it was only conducted in part of the 4,000 km2 Loliondo GCA (as if anyone would have expected the DC’s office to be burnt down …) The statement blamed a sudden influx of people, particularly “Kenyans”. This statement warned that with the incoming Wildlife Conservation Act 2009 (WCA 2009), GCA and village land would be separated.

 

-In February 2011, the Draft District Land Use Framework Plan 2010-2030 was revealed. It proposed turning the 1,500 km2 into the new kind of GCA that’s the same as a game reserve, which led to immediate protests. This plan was rejected by the district council. Earlier, in November 2009, Isaack Mollel, director of OBC, had boasted to the press that the company had donated TShs.156 million to Arusha Region for land use planning in Loliondo GCA, and the government had then issued threats of a “wildlife corridor”, which had led to several acts of protest. After the 2010-2030 plan was rejected, local leaders thought that the government had been defeated.

 

-Next attack came in 2013, when Minister Kagasheki issued disgusting and vociferous lies that the 4,000 km2 Loliondo GCA (including towns, district headquarters, magistrate court, agricultural areas, forest reserves, etc. etc. …) was a protected area and that the Maasai were landless people who would be generously gifted with 2,500 km2. The Maasai, united and more serious than ever before (or after) held mass protests and sent protest delegations to Dar es Salaam and Dodoma. Both the opposition and the ruling party came out in support of the Maasai and against Kagasheki and on 23rd September 2013, PM Pinda in an emotional speech in Wasso town declared that they should go on with their lives as before and that Kagasheki would not be allowed to threaten them anymore. Pinda had already in a letter to the Arusha RC in May the same year, even if not as strongly supportive, made very clear that the land was village land. (There was of course NOT an evictions operation in 2013).

 

-For some years, the government (and OBC) changed its tactics and instead of lies about the status of the land, worked on divide and rule and increased threats against anyone who could speak up. The repression worsened sharply with Magufuli in office with several lengthy arrests and malicious prosecution in 2016. When all local leaders were suitably terrified, PM Majaliwa declared that there were only two options for the land: WMA or government protected area (game reserve/new GCA). A select committee, led by then Arusha RC Gambo was set up to reach a proposal to hand over to Majaliwa. This committee, that included many local leaders, also those from NGOs, was met with spontaneous protests in village after village, since at best it would propose a WMA which nobody wanted (and this is reportedly what was done, even if no written version of this proposal has ever to this day been shared with me).

 

-“Unexpectedly”, while everyone was waiting to hear the PM’s decision, on 13th August 2017 an illegal mass arson operation, like the one in 2009, was initiated and continued long into October. Hundreds of bomas were razed to the ground by Serengeti rangers, assisted by NCA rangers and those from OBC, TAWA, local police, and others. People were beaten and raped, illegally arrested, and cattle seized. This time the government had two different lies: Minister Maghembe pretended that the 1,500km2 had been turned into a protected area (the crime that was committed years later in 2022) that had been “invaded”, while the DC and Maghembe’s own ministry, said it was not about the 1,500 km2, since Majaliwa was to announce a decision about that, but that village land was invaded because people were entering Serengeti National Park “too easily”.

 


-On 6th December 2017, ending the optimism that followed when the new minister, Kigwangalla, stopped the illegal and brutal operation and promised that OBC would have to leave, Majaliwa delivered his vague but terrifying decision that was about, through a “legal bill”, creating a “special authority” to manage the land. He also said that OBC were staying (but still all kinds of people writing about Loliondo refuse to understand that OBC never left). Fortunately, such a legal bill was never presented.

 

-2018 was the year of the most paralysing fear ever (partly unexplained) and illegal arrests for the sake of intimidation continued, but in 2019, after OBC director was arrested and extorted via plea bargaining, leaders in Loliondo again started pretending that the threat had been averted, and unbelievably they continued with this even after the genocidal Multiple Land Use Model review proposal for NCA was presented in September the same year. This proposal included the alienation of the 1,500km2 in two areas (as in 2022 was brutally and illegally done) and the annexation of the land to Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority. Not much was heard from the government, except for the District Executive Director’s work to make village leaders withdraw court cases, which failed. The “legal bill” and the “special authority” seemed totally forgotten.

 

-With the extremely violent military attack on Loliondo in 2022 (see below), the government was back to using the strange and shameless Kagasheki-style lies, and this time every government representative had been prepared to use the lies loudly in media, when meeting diplomats, and at every international event. While all councillors from affected wards were abducted at unknown location, government representatives like ambassador Hoyce Temu at the UN in Geneva were lying that a 4,000 km2 reserved area since 1951 (sometimes the lie has been 1891) had been “encroached” and that the government in “peaceful talks with local residents” had agreed to divide the area and “keep” 1,500 km2 as a protected area, and that a minority against the exercise made recordings while posing threateningly. Minister Ndumbaro had brought back these lies already in an interview with Deutsche Welle in March 2022, and on 21st June, during the military attack, he repeated the lies to stupidly clapping and laughing foreign diplomats. The nasty and maybe genuinely stupid Professor Malebo, Tanzanian UNESCO secretary, has shown up at different venues claiming that the land was uninhabited since time immemorial.

 



-The government has since kept to the Kagasheki-style lies, including while committing contempt of court after the High Court stayed operation of the illegal “game reserve” pending determination of Misc Civil Cause No. 178 of 2022 (see above). According to this demented lie, the land reverting back to the old 4,000 km2 Loliondo Game Controlled Area means that it is still a protected area, and that grazing is not allowed. This also means that the DC´s office, district headquarters, the magistrate court, hospital, and all traders in Wasso and Loliondo towns, along with all in residential and agricultural areas, are trespassing and should be evicted, but this is of course not happening.

 

The crime of 2022 that does not end

As seen, the nightmare continues. Decades of land rights struggle in Loliondo could not protect the 1,500 km2 Osero - essential for lives and livelihoods - from a government high on tourist cult and the blood of pastoralists, lobbied by OBC that organize hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai and that for many years have wanted their favourite hunting area taken from the Maasai and turned into a protected area, which has led to extrajudicial mass arson in 2009 and 2017 (not 2013, which is some kind of typo that keeps being copied by reporters and serious organizations. Just stop it …), and a local police state full of fear, before the worst nightmare became real in 2022.

 

On 9th June 2022, after massive security forces had gathered in Loliondo and set up camps, all councillors from affected wards were abducted right before the brutal and lawless demarcation started and locked up for over five months, charged with “murder” – without any attempt at prosecution, only postponements, until the case was dropped - together with people arrested for sharing pictures of the violence, but charged with “murder”, they too detained without fair trial until the charges were dropped over five months later. Beacons were planted in a rain of teargas and bullets, security forces were beating, slashing with bayonets, cutting, raping, and arresting people. Thousands fled to Kenya, hundreds were arrested and 62 were charged with bogus immigration cases that were dismissed – without any prosecution - months later. The security forces destroyed houses, stole motorcycles and smartphones, seized and even shot livestock. 84-year old Oriais Oleng'iyo who was last seen on 10th June 2022, with bullet wounds and held by security forces, has still not been brought back to his family, and the enforced disappearance case filed by his son was on 17th May 2023 dismissed by the judge, on ground that the police were likely not responsible for the operation but the Minister of Natural Resource and Tourism who was not sued in this enforced disappearance case.


 

To further finish off the Maasai, rangers have kept lawlessly seizing, fining, and even auctioning livestock, driving many people into debt or abject poverty. Due to unusually heavy rains (leading to flooding tragedies) and lots of grass everywhere, some on the side payments, and hopefully to some extent thanks to the court cases, the ranger crimes have since December 2023 been less active, at least in Ololosokwan, while seizures have reportedly continued in Arash and Malambo. In Oloipiri some livestock are reportedly entering the illegal game reserve, but not in large numbers, and rangers are still passive.

 

Ngorongoro MP Emmanuel Oleshangai, who at times has spoken up with seriousness, when the Deputy PM and Minister for Energy, Doto Biteko, visited Loliondo in April, only spoke up at a side event with the press in which he weakly pleaded for grazing to be allowed during the dry season. Though he did pose relevant questions about Ngorongoro division, not Loliondo, during the PM’s budget presentation the same month. Very recent developments in NCA however lead to terrifying questions about what he's doing. 

 

On 23rd June, the opposition CHADEMA visited Ololosokwan, Wasso and Malambo. Sadly, for some unknown reason, the great defender of the Maasai, Tundu Lissu didn't come, but Freeman Mbowe and Godbless Lema. I was unsure of the level of understanding by those two leaders, but those present said that they spoke up about the land and about local leaders who must leave the party that so obviously is torturing them. On 8th September 2023, against orders by the Officer Commanding District, Tundu Lissu held meetings in Ololosokwan and Wasso, with an tremendous, overwhelming reception, particularly in Ololosokwan. The following day he was stopped from accessing NCA where there were ongoing arrests following peaceful protests and then arrested, later charged with holding meetings without a permit in Ololosokwan and Wasso. This time, in June, the police claimed that intelligence information showed that it is not safe to hold political meetings in Ngorongoro division, but nothing was said about Loliondo and Sale.

 

In July, MP Oleshangai was touring Loliondo and Sale (but not Ngorongoro division). I have not found out what he was saying about the land, but there’s a clip from Malambo in which he in the most unbecoming way is lashing out against the CHADEMA politicians that constantly are speaking up for his people while his own government is engaging in the worst ethnic hatred and land alienation ever.

 

Though CHADEMA aren’t perfect either. They never got rid of the horrible Peter Msigwa who in 2022 joined the government’s anti-Maasai rhetoric. Such behaviour should have been an absolute red line. On 27th February, Msigwa toed the party line and walked behind a pro-Maasai banner in Arusha, but on 30th June, he unsurprisingly defected to CCM, smiling sheepishly to a silly song. This happened after Msigwa lost the seat as chairperson of the Nyasa zone. 

 

On 28th July in the Orkiu Leleisa area of Osero Sopia, Ololosokwan, near beacon number 8, 134 cows belonging to Ormutendei Peniki Kayiaa were illegally seized. The cows were held at Klein’s gate by the rangers of the illegal game reserve and released on 31st July, after the owner paid a negotiated “fine” of 6 million shillings, which otherwise would have been 100,000 TShs (some 34 euros) per head of cattle. For some reason, on the receipt the payment was made to the Tanzania Revenue Authority and labelled as camping fee for a child who’s an East African resident.



 

The leaked report to repeat the Loliondo crime in four areas of the northern zone

I’ve reported earlier about the in February (reached me in early March) leaked presentation to (now former) Minister Angellah Kairuki by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism’s evaluation of game controlled areas in the northern zone, in which the recommendation was to create no less than four new game reserves in this zone, which would signify an extreme alienation of grazing land making pastoralist lives and livelihoods inviable. The areas recommended for alienation and evictions of people and livestock are a proposed 747km2 “Lolkisale-Simanjiro Game Reserve”, a 1,501km2“Mto Wa Mbu Game Reserve”, a 448km2“Longido Game Reserve”, and a 3,918km2“Lake Natron Game Reserve”. Further, there’s a recommendation to “allow” Wildlife Management Areas in “wildlife corridors” outside the proposed game reserves!

 







The evaluation is of the old GCAs of Simanjiro, Lolkisale, Mto Wa Mbu, Longido and Lake Natron. The presentation does not hide this fact that these GCAs contain 80 villages, but then goes on to the profoundly maliciousand misleading rhetoric talking about the proposed game reserves as land that will be “kept for conservation” while the rest of the land will be “given to the villages” – when what’s being recommended is a radical land alienation, since the GCAs are already village land and there has never been any restrictions on grazing or agriculture.

 


The evaluation was made by a team of experts from different ministries and authorities who - besides examining policies, laws, and GNs - met with regional commissioners, administrative secretaries, district commissioners, executive directors, village leaders, investors in hunting tourism companies and representatives of owners of commercial farms. Then they made field visits to examine the environment and wildlife resources.

 

In the text and maps of this evaluation, the fake and illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve” that with extreme brutality and lawlessness was demarcated in 2022, is presented as a done deal when its operation is suspended by the high court pending determination of the court case.

 

On 3rd June, during the budget debate for the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, the MP for Simanjiro, Christopher Olesendeka, brought up the leaked document asking for the government’s position on it. Minister Kairuki said she did not have such a document on her desk, that it wasn’t official and that Olesendeka was only causing disquiet by mentioning it. Though she also said something about that the laws for “declaring GCAs” are known, and that in such case, it’s what’s will be done. Everyone had already seen the document and it had already caused disquiet, but the parliamentary confusion was not straightened out.

 

On 7th April Maasai in Simanjiro issued a statement in defence of their land, on 13th April Maasai traditional leaders from nine districts issued a statement against the horrible recommendations of the leaked evaluation and in March there were protest meetings in Longido. 


I remember with horror how in then (and now again …) Minister Chana’s 2022-2023 budget speech it was announced that the government expected to upgrade twelve GCAs and two forests to game reserves, and Loliondo was among them. It seemed like a hugely ambitious evil wish and that there would be time to stop it – but only a few days later the brutal attack by security forces on Loliondo was launched. The GCAs “evaluated” in the leaked document were among those mentioned in the speech. The 2022 speech was mentioned by Olesendeka in parliament, and it’s also prominently highlighted in the leaked document itself, which also mentions that the Ministry’s Strategic Plan 2021/2022– 2025/2026 says, “The Ministry shall ensure Fifteen (15) Game Controlled Areas are upgraded to Game Reserves by June,2026;”

 





As mentioned in an earlier blog post, on 29th March Olesendeka suffered an assassination attempt while on his way from Dodoma to Simanjiro when unknown assailants, while overtaking his car, opened fire causing several bullet holes in the car, but without injuring the MP or his driver. The assault took place at the Nabolo and Ngilo villages in Kiteto. The following day, police collected 15 cartridges of SMG/AK-47 in the place where the shooting took place. At a public meeting in Simanjiro, Olesendeka explained that the day before the attack, he had met with high level leaders about the terrible recommendation of turning Maasai land into game reserves, and all of them rejected such a plan. With emphasis he said that Samia’s government did not have had anything to do with the assassination attempt. CCM brings some serious limitations to what you can say, or even think … The government has both a motive and a proven murderous character. To date the shooters are unknown and nothing more has been heard about the assassination attempt. Olesendeka also said that his next intervention in parliament would not be about the attempt against his life, but about the proposal to take more Maasai land for protected areas and to explain that if the government takes even one more kilometre of Maasai land for conservation it will mortgage pastoralist lives. On 3rd March, Olesendeka was prevented by NCA rangers from attending the traditional installation of Ngorongoro MP Emmanuel Oleshangai as laigwanani.

 

Longido district (often mixed up with Loliondo division in Tanzanian media) is threatened by two game reserve proposals: one huge “Lake Natron GR” (also affecting Lake Natron shore villages in Ngorongoro district) and a substantial “Longido GR”. In one slide of the presentation there’s a demented claim that currently only 8% of the district is village land. I wonder what its authors would respond to the fact that the largest part of the old Longido GCA consists of Enduimet WMA (a kind of protected area that can only be created on village land), and the towns of Longido and Namanga, with residential and agricultural areas. The rest, besides being grazing land, is a hunting block currently held by the president of the Tanzania Hunting Operators Association, Michel Mantheakis. Not only grazing land is seen as terra nullius, which is maliciously demented enough, but as known, the lying in this ministry is indeed boundaryless.

 

A wildlife management area (WMA) is so-called “community-based natural resource management” that some villagers “agree” to under the threat of otherwise totally losing the land as a game reserve. Still, there’s been brutal evictions and radical suppression of grazing in WMAs and in the case of Wami Mbiki and Igombe, the existence of a WMA was even used as an argument to alienate the land for a game reserve. I had hardly even heard of Igombe before reading an article in the Chanzo (online media) in May that detailed widespread abuse committed by TAWA rangers, including murder and rape. The unreported cases could be many around Tanzania.

 

Supposedly, there’s less violence and suppression of grazing in Enduimet than other WMAs, but I’m having a hard time getting detailed information from the ground, other than that the WMA is generally detested, and common villagers are not getting any benefits from it, while others say that it’s the investor and not the WMA that’s the problem. Though in the evening of 21st August an eviction notice was shared on X, in which the WMA management orders an elder to demolish his boma within 90 days. Further, the hunting investor Kilombero North Safaris has schemed with some corrupt councillors to lease three mountains – Ketumbeine, Gelai, and Longido - and this has led to such protests that even CCM Longido had to issue a statement calling for the contract to be scrapped and done anew in a way that’s friendlier to local residents. This operator is more widely known for resuming hunting of transborder super tuskers, studied by researchers in Kenya, after three decades when elephant hunts were avoided in the border areas, which has led to an international debate conflating with the larger debate for and against trophy hunting. Kilombero North also has a hunting block in Lake Natron GCA, as has Green Mile Safari that some years ago caused international protests when videos of terrible abuse of hunted wildlife were shared online, but this seems all but forgotten. Not within the scope of this blog, but the pro-trophy hunting side is in the most dishonest way trying to present the conflict as between Kenyan and Tanzanian “communities”, while continuously boasting about the area “protected” by game reserves in Tanzania. Basically, all of them have blocked me on X (formerly Twitter). The other side isn’t better, but more numerous and diverse.

 









Since the horrible budget speech in early June 2022, besides the illegal “Pololeti GR” in Loliondo, one more game reserve has been alienated from villagers and that’s the equally illegal “Kilombero GR” (not in the northern zone) about which silence is quite compact, since those affected aren’t organized and pastoralists are in minority. The only news has been from TAWA, boasting about having seized 1,417 heads of cattle.

 

The lie about GCAs has even been used by former government spokesperson Mobhare Matinyi regarding the brutal and illegal evictions from villages with land wanted by Kilimanjaro International Airport in May this year. And as known, this horrible lie is also used to paint Msomera villagers as “invaders” of their own registered village that’s been taken by the government to relocate the Maasai from NCA. Since in just five GCAs in the north there are 80 villages, there must be hundreds of villages across Tanzania under the same threat.

 

It's important to keep eyes and ears wide open and react strongly as soon as there’s the slightest move to alienate land for another game reserve!

 

European Commission removes Tanzania for eligibility for conservation funds and tour operators openly defend the government regarding Ruaha

On 7th June, it was announced that Tanzania has been removed from the EU's NatureAfrica scheme for which the European Commission had allocated 18 million euros, and only Kenya is now targeted. There were also new conditions that indigenous and local people's rights must be respected. It was announced in a “corrigendum” (No.4) that changed the geographical focus (removing Tanzania) and included additional content on the human rights-based approach. The deadline for submissions was also moved forward. This is so much more powerful than statements of concern or condemnation and – almost – unprecedented. It’s a result of the lobbying by the Maasai International Solidarity Alliance (MISA) that together with Survival International works with the pastoralist and indigenous NGOs in Tanzania and last year brought local Maasai activists to Europe. The focus of MISA is on Ngorongoro Conservation Area and Loliondo but will, by more concrete than usual action against the Tanzanian government’s crime, benefit other Maasai under threat in northern Tanzania.

 

Example from the corrigendum.



The removal of Tanzania’s eligibility from the EU project wasn’t covered by the Tanzanian press at all, but as a reaction – or at least so it seemed to me– around 17th June the Tanzania Tour Operators Association issued a statement in support of the government and attacking the Oakland Institute for since 2023 having advocated against human rights abuse in Ruaha National Park, leading to the announcement that as of 18th April 2024, the World Bank had with immediate effect suspended disbursements for REGROW - a US$150 million project that began in 2017 to “improve the management of natural resources and tourism assets" in southern Tanzania (more about this in the previous blog post). TATO in short describes reports of human rights abuse as baseless while indulging in the government’s arguments for such abuse. The brutal evictions of 2006, the huge and regularly brought up land threat in the form of the illegal and not implemented GN No.28 of 2008 and widespread human rights abuses, somewhat habitual murder by rangers included, are documented by researchers, organisations and Tanzania media, but unlike in the Ngorongoro case (particularly NCA) there aren’t any strong and organized local voices that will respond, and that’s why I suspect TATO avoided a statement regarding northern Tanzania. Anyway, Ngorongoro activists remembered a discussion in a tour operators’ WhatsApp group, leaked in 2021, “brainstorming” about moving the Ngorongoro Maasai far away to Kilindi, Tanga or Shinyanga and what kind of injection could be used to limit the Maasai population.

 

I wish this could make everyone understand the necessity of a total tourism boycott on Tanzania. TATO has some 300 members and none of them have spoken up to distance themselves from the organization’s statement.

 

This was followed, as part of a campaign, by some newspaper articles claiming that villagers were thriving in five villages that with GN No.754 of 2023 would have been “given” 405 km2 for grazing and agriculture. The result is that a vicious and illegal land alienation threat (not implemented) from 2008 is now 9,522km2 instead of 9,926km2, while illegal cattle seizures and theft of agricultural equipment by park rangers have continued in 2024. One more example of how shamelessly the Tanzanian government lies and how unprofessional basically all journalists are. For some time, it seemed like I, who aren’t a Ruaha expert, was the only person responding (on X) to these lies, but on 16th July Oakland responded.

 

I’ve heard of one reaction to the removal of Tanzania from the NaturAfrica project. At a meeting on 8th July between the Arusha RC (hardcore criminal Paul Makonda), and NGOs from the region, a representative from Frankfurt Zoological Society (not the notorious Masegeri Tumbuya Rurai, but a still unidentified individual, even if some say they know his first name, whose physical appearance was that of a “giant”) said that the government must avoid the NGOs that provide false information to western organisations and that FZS had missed the allocation of 18 million that was meant to support conservation of the Serengeti ecosystem. Though I’ve not been able to obtain more details about this, since most organisations seem to have avoided the meeting. 

 

It's high time that all donors suspend their funding of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism. There have been some reports that the worst offender that’s Germany would have suspended “something”, but there isn’t any public statement or document at all, and they continue active in Loliondo. Only in a closed meeting with Maasai activists did German representatives say that they had stopped funding Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2023-2043 – the twice rejected plan to legitimize the massive brutal and illegal land grab of 2022 – but that’s not such an accomplishment when the plan was no more … The Germans have through the decades supported the Tanzanian government’s attacks against Maasai land rights, boasted about being the biggest bilateral donors to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, and their ambassadors together with the worst criminals have celebrated the cooperation between the two countries in the midst of both the mass arson operation of 2017 and the brutal and illegal land theft of 2022. There isn’t anything official at all suggesting that they would have changed their behaviour.

 

Let’s see if the removal of Tanzania as eligible for the 18 million euros from the European Commission can set some precedence.

 

The stinking UNESCO and IUCN engaging in GCA lies about the Loliondo land theft

The UNESCO instigation against the Maasai of Ngorongoro is infamous, but as I was about to finally publish this horribly delayed blog post on 17th August, I discovered the REPORT ON THE JOINTWORLD HERITAGE CENTRE/IUCN REACTIVE MONITORING MISSION TO SERENGETI NATIONALPARK, UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA), FROM 15 TO 19 JANUARY 2024. This report “explains” the brutal land theft in Loliondo with the well-known malicious lie (see above) that Loliondo GCA was divided into the 1,500 km2 “Pololeti GCA” and that the remaining land was “returned” to the villages – when it’s been village land all along and every Tanzanian law and human right was violated during the 2022 demarcation. The UNESCO/IUCN mission totally swallowed criminal government lies, adding some personal misunderstandings, like that it was the 2022 revision of WCA 2009 that banned settlement, livestock and agriculture in GCAs, when this revision says the same as the original 2009 Act. Loliondo GCA is also described as 4,500 km2, instead of the usual 4,000 km2, which I’ve seen before, but don’t have any way to ascertain (and it’s beside the point). The mission seem to have missed that the illegal GCA had been turned into an equally illegal game reserve and that even the High Court had declared the GCA null and void for lacking the mandatory consultation, and suspended operation of the GR while the case concerning it is ongoing. In a footnote, the team says, “This change of status led to the eviction of Maasai families using the area of the Pololeti GR which was criticized by the UN Rapporteur on Indigenous People and NGO defending the Maasai interests. This issue is not included in the ToR of this mission and outside the scope of this report.” The – illegal – change in status came after he brutal evictions. Further, on another page the mission parrot the common twisted government rhetoric that Loliondo GCA was “degazetted as the smaller Pololeti GCA”.

 

Unsurprisingly, the team mostly met with representatives for the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, particularly TANAPA (SENAPA), and government officials, but of course also FZS that facilitated the rejected draft district land use plan made to legitimize the brutal Loliondo land theft, including the notorious Masegeri Tumbuya Rurai. I also see the name of a Serengeti National Park (SENAPA) conservation officer (GIS) who committed perjury in the East African Court of Justice …  

 

The report says, “However, there has been increased pressures on, and near the boundary of, SENAPA from community owned livestock, especially near the hard boundaries and adjacent to the Loliondo GCA.” The cruel and bizarre incursions into village land by Serengeti rangers to illegally seize livestock and using every dirty trick to have them auctioned in Mugumu is of course not mentioned (see blog posts like this one). Neither is the participation of Serengeti rangers in the illegal demarcation exercise, and earlier attacks on Loliondo, particularly as main implementors of the 2017 mass arson. I have not yet read the whole report but would be surprised if Serengeti rangers killing and disappearing people west of the national park (not Loliondo) is included. What is included is open – and repeated from previous reports - encouragement of expanding the national park (evicting people) into the Speke Gulf area. This is a serious land rights struggle for the residents of three villages in Nyatwali ward. Truth, rule of law, and human rights were obviously not included in the ToR of the mission and outside the scope of the report.

 

The mission team consisted of Guy Debonnet, currently Chief of the Natural Heritage Unit at UNESCO World Heritage Centre and Daniel Marnewick, the Area-based Conservation Coordinator for the IUCN Eastern and Southern Regional Office. I wish these individuals can be personally sued. Their horrible report requires its own, more detailed, blog post.

 

Unlike UNESCO, IUCN did in June 2022 issue a statement on the human rights violations in Loliondo, urging the Tanzania government to immediately stop all human rights violations, to provide remedy and security to those harmed, and to ensure appropriate peaceful measures are undertaken towards recognizing, respecting and protecting the rights of the Maasai communities, even calling on the government to adhere to the 2018 East African Court of Justice injunction on the ongoing land dispute. I suppose IUCN were rattled by the footage that came out before the arrests of anyone suspected of sharing it. Daniel Marnewick has perhaps missed this statement or just preferred to parrot the lies of the human rights violators, and not even getting those right.

 

Not one word of the Report on the Joint World Heritage Centre/IUCN Reactive Monitoring Mission to Serengeti National Park can be taken seriously.

 

To avoid confusion, don’t forget that UNESCO and IUCN for years, in report after report, have instigated against the Maasai of Ngorongoro Conservation Area. In the report I found on 17th August they also join the lies of the human rights violators regarding Loliondo.

 

OBC becoming more visible

After lying low for some years, OBC have become more visible. As reported earlier, in November 2023, the “journalist” Manyerere Jackton who in over 60 articles in the Jamhuri weekly newspaper has incited against the Maasai of Loliondo, campaigned for the land grab, and viciously slandered, fabricated stories about anyone slightly suspected of being able to speak up, wrote two articles about OBC’s current complaints. After obtaining the illegal game reserve that they’ve for years been lobbying for, they did not feel appreciated enough, felt that other investors (Klein’s and Taasa) should only operate with their permit, but were instead favoured, and OBC were unhappy with the work of NCAA that was given the management of the illegal reserve. There was a complaint that there were livestock everywhere, but in a most disgusting response, NCAA boasted about between January and November 2023 having seized 6,165 goats and sheep, 13,217 heads of cattle, and extorted 785,475,000 TShs in “fines”. The “journalist” reported that during the illness of the notorious former chief conservator Manongi, some NCA staff would have conspired to reduce the hunting area. Nothing more has been heard about this.

 

In early June 2024, a propaganda publication from OBC was shared online (apparently published in March). At first sight a glossy product in which OBC’s supposedly excellent relations with everyone, not least NCAA, are described, as are their charitable projects, but the pictures used were old, there were some formatting mistakes, and there wasn’t much new information. Of interest is that OBC highlights their donations of vehicles to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism and the Tanzania Police Force, their support to the Tanzania Wildlife Research Institute (TAWIRI) and College of African Wildlife Management (Mweka), and their awards received from TAWIRI and the Tanzania Wildlife Authority (TAWA). The main message is about OBC’s commitment to protecting the illegal game reserve, without the slightest mention, not only of the fact that its operation is suspended by the high court (ignored by the government and hardly upheld by the court), but no conflict exists in OBC’s publication. OBC see crime, equating “illegal” grazing with poaching and boast about having provided the government with over 50 vehicles, fuel, and arms to fights such “illegal activities”.

 



The OBC pamphlet mentions the company’s support of water development projects. On 1st July, Arusha RC Paul Makonda, together with the UAE ambassador, came to the primary school in Wasso town to launch more such water projects. Rather than OBC, Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai was hailed as the benefactor, but they are one and the same. The ward councillors had – according to leaked, or perhaps willingly shared, messages from their WhatsApp group - not been informed in any way. To those present it was obvious that the council chairman knew but had kept quiet. In 2015, a similar launch of water projects was attended by then Minister Lazaro Ndumbaro and the press described the presence of local leaders as support for OBC, when division was sharp, and an “investor-friendly” clique was sabotaging the land rights struggle. I have not heard how that clique explains the horror that has since unfolded.

 

Makonda and UAE ambassador



The first public appearance by OBC after the 2022 brutal land theft was of Isaack Mollel as one of the speakers in a zoom seminar on 14th January 2023, to push back a stupid rumour of wildlife trafficking, and to engage in self-congratulation for Tanzania’s tourism product and increased tourist arrivals. Mollel explained that OBC’s owners are from the UAE, that the company drills wells, helps the hospital and schools, and regularly donates vehicles to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism. They do not come to trophy hunt, but to relax, sometimes leaving without hunting and other times shoot some animal to have for dinner.

 

Amnesty report about investors in the illegal game reserve in Loliondo

On 7th August a new report by Amnesty International was released, Business as usual in bloodiedland? Role of businesses in forced evictions in Loliondo, Tanzania. In this report Amnesty puts the light on the investors operating in the illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve”. Such a report calling for accountability instead of treating OBC as a mysterious entity and Taasa and &Beyond (Klein’s Camp) as innocent is exactly what’s needed, but sadly this report also has some huge and totally unnecessary mistakes, some of which are repeated from Amnesty’s earlier report about Loliondo. I’ve been patient for so many years trying to downplay the constant misinformation by well-meaning and very helpful people, but on 7th August I was almost sent into a rage. What’s the use of, instead of getting a life, spending over a decade chasing and sharing information about Loliondo, when organizations and journalists prefer to listen to their own confused colleagues?

 

Worst of all is that eight times in this report Amnesty claim that there were evictions like those in 2009 and 2017, and the terrible 2022 that never ends, also in 2013. There absolutely were not. As I’ve detailed so many times, 2013 was the year of the Kagasheki threat that was stopped. With hindsight it was a good year. Maybe the best. It seems like this mistake originates from a typo that keeps being repeated in reports and articles. Sometimes the incorrect claims have been about other years that are more arguable. Amnesty had the same mistake in their earlier report, and I tweeted and blogged about it, but it's unstoppable.

 

Another mistake has its origin in misleading newspaper articles from 2017 claiming that OBC's hunting concession had been terminated when it absolutely was not. It was Minister Kigwangalla making loud statements that he very soon had to backtrack on. At the time, I wrote several blog posts about this flip-flopping minister and for years I’ve been screaming about the misinformation. OBC never left, just a month after Kigwangalla's statements, PM Majaliwa said that they were staying and in 2018 Sheikh Mohammed visited somewhat publicly (which the report claims didn’t happen after 2016 …) and then OBC again gifted the MNRT with vehicles. Amnesty says they couldn’t find any information on when the concession was reinstated. Of course, they can’t when it was never terminated. They also claim that OBC’s director Mollel was arrested days after Kigwangalla was talking about the Prevention of Combating Corruption Bureau (PCCB) when it happened over a year later and only then was OBC toned down a little, but never left.

Vehicles donated by OBC to the ministry in April 2018.

Sheik Mohammed at Oloipiri Primary School in March 2018





Already in the first paragraph, Amnesty claims that Ngorongoro District Council allocated the hunting block to OBC when it of course was Minister Mgumia (early 1990s), which they also say later in the report. They had the same mistake in the first report, but now repeat it, even when they in this report also have the correct information. The report says that OBC leased the “1,500 km2 Loliondo Game Controlled Area” when this GCA is 4,000 km2 and towns and agricultural areas were included, which OBC complained about and wanted it reduced to their core hunting area that they also wanted made into a protected area, emptied of Maasai and livestock. See above (regarding GCAs) why it’s important to get this right.

 

For some reason, Amnesty leaves out area Bof the illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve”, the area that has affected Malambo in the most terrible way. It’s not even on their map. It could maybe be explained by the fact that OBC’s camps are in Kirtalo, while Klein’s and Taasa are found in Ololosokwan, but it was absent also in the previous Amnesty report that almost made it seem like the illegal demarcation and violence of 2022 took place only in Ololosokwan when a 90-kilometre stretch from Ololosokwan to Piyaya, plus an area a bit further to the east in Malambo were attacked, and continue under attack.

 

I’ve also learnt from this recent Amnesty report. For some months, several people have told me, without explaining how they’ve come to that conclusion, that OBC have changed their name to Royal Safaris, which I’ve found very unlikely when all I’ve seen is that both OBC and their friends (like their own “journalist”) keep using the name Otterlo Business Corporation. Amnesty explains that on 23rd December 1992, OBC was registered with the Business Registrations and Licensing Agency (BRELA) under the name Royal Safaris Conservation Co L.L.C. So it’s old news.

 

Amnesty has some relevant (but weak due to anonymity) information about hunting abuse. This is a difficult issue, since it will always make some overexcitable Tanzanians start fabricating stories about Antonov planes loaded with wildlife from Loliondo. Eyewitnesses that had worked for OBC, told Amnesty they had seen members of the royal family airlift live animals out of Loliondo, particularly cubs, according to one former OBC employee. Another anonymous eyewitness said that OBC’s royal guests would go out hunting themselves, without the obligatory professional hunter and wildlife officer, and kill what they wanted, often injuring animals. This is not so surprising, even if escorted, OBC fund the rangers and used to be almost undistinguishable from TAWA, so there isn’t any effective monitoring. Though this applies to the whole hunting industry in Tanzania.

Unfortunately, they also refer to the MERC report from 2001, which Moringe Parkipuny contributed to as the main source. Though a decade later Parkipuny was upset that this report was still online, since it was unfinished, outdated, and the Kenyan author had cut all communication after relocating to the USA.

 

The information about Klein’s Camp and Taasa is not so exact, which is more understandable since nobody has written about them, except for this blog, and very occasionally, most recently when writing about an article by OBC’s journalist in November 2023. Taasa seem to now have removed from their website the claim that they are operating in a Wildlife Management Area.

 

There are also eyewitness reports on OBC’s direct involvement in the illegal eviction operations, but that’s well-known and hardly even controversial. What Amnesty misses is that OBC funded the rejected and never implemented Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2010–2030 proposing the 1,500 km2 land theft, like the German development bank, working with FZS, funded the 2023-2043 equally rejected plan to legitimize this land theft after it was illegally committed.

 

Article in the Atlantic months ago

A long time has passed now, since it didn’t fit the blog post about Thomson Safaris (I wish the American author could have had a look at those ruthless hypocrites too) and since I’ve become unacceptably slow, on 8th April 2024, the Atlantic magazine published an article - This Will Finish Us - by Stephanie McCrummen who had been to Loliondo, NCA, Msomera, and to Kenya, but the main focus is clearly on Loliondo. There have been many articles by now. I almost can’t remember them all, and they are generally better than some years ago, but this article is wonderfully written and more than anyone before, McCrummen describes the heartbreak and deep injustice of losing land and livestock, telling the story of one of the herders whose cattle were seized by Serengeti rangers from Bologonja that in early 2023 for some time joined the NCA/”Pololeti” rangers in the cattle theft committed in Ololosokwan.

 

Like no other non-Tanzanian, McCrummen, when visiting Msomera, captures the attitude of the Tanzanian government in the words of Handeni DC Albert Msando who says that if the “voluntary” relocation fails, the Ngorongoro Maasai will be moved by force, adding, “That’s why there are guys here with their shoulders decorated” and, “The Maasai are not exempted from acculturation or cultural acclimatization, or cultural extinction.” The DC is the same as who right at the side of Swahili-speaking commissioners from the African Commission of Human and People’s Rights threatened displaced, original Msomera villagers, without any intervention by the commissioners.

 

McCrummen makes it clear that Loliondo and NCA are two different areas but refers to Loliondo as a “region” north of Ngorongoro when Ngorongoro and Loliondo are two divisions of Ngorongoro district, and Loliondo also is the name of the GCA containing the whole of Loliondo division and part of Sale division, which is what’s relevant in this case, (it’s also the name of the town that serves as district capital). Though when the text moves from one place to another, I’m not sure that the reader follows her, or understands that the destructive Msomera setup doesn’t have anything to do with Loliondo. Many people refuse to understand this, whatever explanations they are given. McCrummen refers to the 1,500 km2 as the Osero (which I too have done many times until I was advised not to). This long-running land conflict is known under the name “Loliondo” for a good reason, since in 1992/1993 OBC got the whole 4,000 km2 Loliondo GCA as their hunting block, including towns and agricultural areas, and have lobbied to have the 1,500 km2 core hunting area alienated from the villages and converted into a protected area, which was brutally and lawlessly done in 2022, depriving the Maasai of almost all dry-season grazing. The Tanzanian government wants to replicate this GCA crime in over a dozen other GCAs (see above), and already did so in Kilombero.

 

Unfortunately, McCrummen repeats the widely spread misinformation that OBC’s licence would have been suspended in 2017 and mixes it up with the case/extortion against the director in 2019. As I’ve been screaming for over six years now (also above in this blog post) - with crystal clear evidence, it absolutely wasnot. I repeat, Kigwangalla said that OBC would have to leave before 2018, but it was very soon clear that they weren’t going anywhere, a month later PM Majaliwa declared that they were staying, in 2018 Sheikh Mohammed again visited and OBC gifted the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism with vehicles and employed the soldiers stationed at Lopolun to assault herders and burn down bomas in Kirtalo and Ololosokwan. Only in 2019, when the director. Mollel was arrested and extorted via plea bargaining, were OBC toned down a little, but never left.

 

Many journalists have contacted me about Loliondo and most never write anything, but the past few years I’m more often contacted by those who are in contact with journalists. Please just put me in contact with the journalists, so that I can explain to them directly.

 

McCrummen quoted Dennis Rentsch of the horrible FZS talking about not wanting to "vilify" the Maasai, “but” (going on about “overgrazing” and “tipping points”) when it’s what FZS have been doing for decades, and much worse than that. FZS facilitated the legitimization of the brutal theft of the 1,500 km2 via the Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2023-2043 that fortunately was rejected – twice – by the councillors. She also quotes the Spanish researcher Pablo Manzano who in 2018 did a strange report about Loliondo without mentioning the mass arson of 2017, the human rights violations, or the local police state, but has improved and is doing some quite impressive research on pastoralism. And she met someone whom I haven’t heard about for many years – Ngodidio Rotiken who lost his eye to a teargas canister and was handcuffed to the hospital bed in September 2009 towards the end of the mass arson operation of that year, the one that should never have been allowed to be repeated. It did not sound like Ngodidio was happy.

 

Disenfranchisement and massive protests in NCA

On 29th July, a 1,115-page pdf document from the so-called Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC, formerly NEC) was being shared on WhatsApp. This document lists all voters’ registration stations in Tanzania, which serve to update the Permanent Voters Register for the local elections in November and the general elections in 2025. During the elections, the same premises serve as polling stations. Shockingly, not a single station in the 25 villages of Ngorongoro Division/Ngorongoro Conservation Area of Ngorongoro District was found on the list. The registration update/polling stations of Loliondo and Sale however remain on this list. Soon already registered voter dialled *152*00# and found that they were registered at different stations in Msomera village in Handeni, to where the government wants them to relocate “voluntarily”. Even deceased relatives were found to be registered in this village. To date there isn’t any explanation from authorities. Upon questions from media, INEC refer to TAMISEMI that in its turn refer to INEC.  

 

On 3rd August, several ward councillors and village leaders (all CCM) together with some common villagers (not all CCM) issued a statement against the disenfranchisement. Then, on 8th August Ngorongoro youths issued their own protest statement. There was a worrying silence from MP Emmanuel Oleshangay but on 13th August he responded to the Citizen newspaper, that even he had found himself registered at a polling station in Msomera, but when contacting INEC, the authority denied having changed any information. At least, on 8th April, at PM Majaliwa's budget presentation, Ngorongoro MP Emmanuel Oleshangai asked why, if relocation is "voluntary", the Maasai of Ngorongoro are suffering abuse, restrictions and blocked social services, including denied permits for building school toilets. Though the past days very serious questions have been raised concerning what exactly the MP and other leaders are up to.

 

On 20th June, the Ngorongoro police in a letter to CHADEMA claimed that “intelligence information” showed that it is not “safe” to hold political meetings in Ngorongoro division, and sadly the opposition party did not visit.

 

In the light of the horribly fraudulent and violent 2020 general election, in which Salula Ngorisiolo was killed at Oloirobi polling station when police and NCAA rangers opened fire at unarmed voters that were speaking up about the fraud (a murder that Ngorongoro leaders have still not spoken up about) and the current crackdown on opposition in Tanzania with illegal arrests, including top opposition leaders, and abductions, often including torture, by “unknown assailants”.

 

Current government numbers indicate that that over 8,000 Ngorongoro residents have relocated (this includes some non-genuine opportunists) and the government’s estimate of the population of Ngorongoro division/NCA (not including Loliondo/Sale divisions) is around 120,000 people (probably inflated). Have all registered voters now ended up on the lists of a village in Handeni?

 

On 10th April, 135 Ngorongoro migrants to Msomera issued a statement about forgotten promises, warning others from relocating, and saying that they will return to Ngorongoro. The following day this was followed by a fabricated story that unnamed traditional leaders in Meshili, Olbalbal in a meeting would have announced that they were relocating to Msomera to get a better life and complained that politicians and activists were paying and misleading them to stay.A letter by real leaders from Olbalbal set the record straight. There was no meeting as described in the fake article, they were not relocating, but anyone wanting to do so was free to relocate. On 27th May women who had been forced to relocate to Msomera by the policy targeting “heads of family” and then returned after mistreatment, and those who had refused and become homeless in Ngorongoro spoke to Kusaga TV (online media). And on 29th June, several Msomera villagers – a village of some 8,000 residents before the governments Ngorongoro relocation - again spoke up about being overrun and “informed” at gunpoint that their land now was for Ngorongoro migrants, while they as residents of a registered village were “invaders” of a game controlled area (see above). The Katikati sub-village chairman had been removed by the Handeni DC for speaking up.

 

In May some new imposters issued a statement in support of “relocations” from Ngorongoro and of the brutal evictions in villages next to Kilimanjaro International Airport. With total shamelessness, these individuals claimed to be directly affected, but were soon revealed to be somewhat known, notorious, and from Arumeru district in Arusha. One Dk. Ojung Ole Saitabau claimed to be from Ngorongoro, but in 2020 he contested for the parliamentary seat of Arumeru Magharibi … The others were Emanuel Oshim Lukumay and Ng’wigulu Nyerere Shigella. There seems to be an endless supply of such trash, and nothing ever happens to them.

 

On 8th August, a meeting at Endulen market to discuss how to end oppression and abuse was invaded and disrupted by heavily armed NCA rangers.





After the brief and corruption laden conservatorship of Richard Kiiza, on 6th May President Samia appointed Elirehema Joshua Doriye as Ngorongoro Chief Conservator. Nothing has improved following this change. On 11th August, NCA rangers held meetings with hotels and lodges telling them:

1. To monitor if any Maasai working in the hotels hold secret meetings. They were told that the Maasai are now enemies of the state, and all their movements should be monitored.

2. That the hotels should ensure that no tourist learns that the Maasai are excluded from voter’s registration.

 

All permits for construction or renovation of schools or health facilities in the 25 villages of NCA, even those already with government funds in their accounts, or third-party donations, have since 2021 been denied by the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority, some of the funds transferred to Handeni, and since 2022 there’s a drive to manipulate the in every way suffocated Maasai to relocate to other people’s land, that in no way can accommodate pastoralism, almost 600 kilometres away. The entrance of construction material into NCA is blocked, herders are regularly assaulted by rangers, residents are harassed at Lodoare gate, ID is demanded, usually voter’s registration …, and in August/September last year there were mass arrests, or abductions, including torture, and a police state similar to that of Loliondo has developed, even if the there isn’t the kind of silence that too often falls over Loliondo like a stinking, damp cloth. These are not the first restrictions or eviction efforts, but the onslaught has sharply accelerated since President Samia came into office. In 1975, the Maasai were evicted from the crater floor and all cultivation in NCA was prohibited, lifted in 1992 and brought back in 2008/2009. Since 2017, the Maasai no longer even have access to water and saltlicks for their cattle in the crater. Replacement salt provided by NCA was found toxic, leading to cattle deaths. There’s a population panic – used as an excuse for any human rights violations - on part of the government and some international organizations, notably UNESCO (see earlier blog posts), even when Ngorongoro is less densely populated than most areas of Tanzania and has become a huge tourism money-maker for government coffers and deep pockets, with the Maasai living there, in their land.

 

I’ll write about the disenfranchisement in more detail in next blog post.

 

On 31st July, Human Rights Watch released the report “It’s Like Killing Culture” Human Rights Impacts of Relocating Tanzania’s Maasai.

 

On 18th August, NCA dawned with massive manifestations and blocking of the Ngorongoro-Serengeti road. Thousands of people held leaves as a sign of peace, sang and prayed, some holding neatly pre-printed banners, also in English so that tourists would understand what this was about. Long snakes of tourist vehicles came to a standstill and hundreds of video clips and pictures were shared in social media. I haven’t seen the results online yet, but many tourists must also have recorded what happened. Some protesters who knew English engaged in explaining the situation to the tourists.




 





16 people were arrested but released after pressure from the protesters. Ward and village leaders held a disappointingly low profile. There are unconfirmed rumours that some councillors could have been compromised. Around 6pm, the Regional Administrative Secretary and some other people sent by RC and hardcore criminal Paul Makonda arrived. The regional representatives got five days to respond to the protesters’ concerns (there has been confusion about the number of days). NCAA issued a statement saying that “some residents” were holding a manifestation, but that tourism activities were proceeding uninterrupted, and that the manifestation was evidence that there weren’t any human rights violations in NCA.

 

The demands are:

1.Restoration of social services

2. Restoration of the Ngorongoro Pastoral Council, in the hands of the people, and not the district council.

3. An end to all forms of brutality and oppression.

4. No park fees charged for residents’ vehicles.

5. Free movement without any interference from NCA rangers.

6. Abolition of all forms of economic sanctions.

7. Restoration of all register update and polling stations in Ngorongoro Division.

 

If the demands are not met, there will be non-stop peaceful demonstration by blocking all tourist roads within NCA

 

Statements in support of the Maasai were (as before) issued by Secretary General of Tanzania Episcopal Conference, Charles Kitima and by the for some years useless Tanganyika Law Society that’s been reformed under the leadership of Boniface Mwabukusi.

 

Unsurprisingly a video of young Maasai imposters appeared with some bad acting pretending that they were from Ngorongoro and that the protesters were all Kenyans, while they just wanted peace and the government to take action against those “Kenyans”. They did this in front of a baobab that’s never found at the altitude of Ngorongoro and it was soon found that they were from Olmolog in Enduimet, Longido and the video shot in Bweni in Dar es Salaaam region.

 


On the 19th, over a thousand (numbers are far from exact) people continued gathering – principally a large gathering in Oloirobi village in Ngorongoro ward - and issued statements that it’s their land, they aren’t going anywhere, and they are waiting for the response promised by the regional authorities. Reports said that NCAA had called from reinforcement by TAWA and TANAPA rangers from Simanjiro and Monduli, and police not from Ngorongoro was already there. A clear message was sent to Hamis Dambaya of the NCAA PR unit that wrote the statement about “some residents”.

 


In the evening, it was found that on 26th June, Mohamed Mchengerwa, President Samia’s son in law and Ministers of State in the President’s Office for Regional Administration and Local Government (TAMISEMI) had signed Government Notice No.673 delisting all 11 wards, 25 villages and 93 sub-villages of Ngorongoro division (and some other villages in the country) and that this had been published in the Gazette on 2nd August (or the notice itself was not published, but it was mentioned).

 

The gathering in Oloirobi continued on the 20th. Both CHADEMA and ACT Wazalendo issued statements in support of the Maasai of Ngorongoro. Boniface Mwabukusi of TLS, in no uncertain terms, made it clear that Minister Mchengerwa had not any provision of the law to do what he did.

 


The huge gathering in Oloirobi continued on the 21st. Sadly, or infuriatingly, police in Karatu were at not allowing vehicles going to Ngorongoro to carry any food, to prevent it from being taken to the protesters. Rangers have been deployed from several regions and are stationed at the old NCA headquarters, reportedly until 8th September. The RC is still expected to come within the days agreed to respond to the demands. People stay put, camping out until the 23rd waiting for this, before other action. Tomorrow the government is expected to come with “journalists” for another propaganda spectacle about people relocating to Msomera.

 


Support for the Maasai from Tanzanians who aren’t deranged government supporters seem greater than ever before.

 

To be continued in next blog post.

 

Enough was already enough so long ago.

 

On 22nd June, inside Ngorongoro Crater, enkipaata, the ceremony setting off a new age-set’s journey to becoming warriors was celebrated. The Irmegoliki age-set will remain in Ngorongoro long after Samia Suluhu Hassan and the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority are all dead and forgotten.

 







 


The president telling the origins story about her hatred for pastoralists

At a meeting with “tribal chiefs” in Dodoma on 20th July, President Samia talked about conflict between pastoralists and famers, claiming that the former most often are to blame and sharing a personal story. At some undisclosed time, the president said that she had been growing rice in Morogoro to get rich. “Bye, bye, umaskini (poverty)”, was how she described it, in her usual style. Her rice field was invaded by some 300 cows, and she lost everything. The president didn’t explain why she – who is from Zanzibar – was growing rice in Morogoro. Whether based on a true story or not, further incitement against pastoralists was clearly the aim. The president chooses to ignore that her manic wish to alienate all grazing land for tourism and conservation will lead to worsened conflict. Stop her! All viruses of the world, please, please stop Samia Suluhu Hassan,

 

Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com

 

Please contact me with any questions about Loliondo. Never guess and never copy hurriedly written newspaper articles, or even reports by serious organizations, without double checking. Also, please contact me with any information you may have. Don’t assume that I’m getting it automatically. I must chase people 24-7 for information. While anyone with good intentions is allowed to use anything written in my blog, and I’ve long ago understood that many fear being associated with me, I appreciate being given credit or at least having my blog linked to

 

 Updates:


22nd August, 

Another media spectacle was made of 367 people "relocating" to Msomera before dawn. People who had signed up and were stuck until the government could find some use for them.


Heavy presence of security forces and the huge gathering continued. The MP joined for the first time, cried bitterly, and promised that the government would come with a response the following day. Former Simanjiro MP Millya was also there, but the protestors were not impressed. 

https://youtu.be/GpuDVV2y7Z4


More human rights organizations than usual issued a joint statement.


In a most weird turn of events, it was announced that an injunction had been issued against the delisting of villages. The case was filed the same day, which is unheard of, and it was reported in media that would otherwise never report good news for the Maasai. The case was filed in the name of Isaya Olepose who had been in Ngorongoro since 6th August, and said that he had not filed any case and never met the lawyer who was saying that he did so. 
The DED then announced that the election would go on as usual.


23rd August

RC Makonda arrived with Ministers Kabudi and Lukuvi and infamous police commissioner Awadhi.

The message was that the government respects the court and the villages are not delisted. Further, the message from the president was that local elections in November and general elections in 2025 will proceed according to previous arrangements, that paralyzed social services will be returned. The president had even instructed the NCA rangers not to harass people. 


Now it's important to see that this actually happens, that the illegal GN is revoked via another GN, that services are swiftly returned, withheld permits granted, and funds sent back from Handeni. 


25th

Horrible statement by the MP thanking President Samia. 


27th August

Pindi Chana at the NCAA HQ in Karatu said that the ministry will ensure that the government's instructions in regards to improving social services are implemented. She particularly mentioned minister Lukuvi message to the Maasai that the president had instruction issuance of permits for improvements, to let the residents pass Lodoare gate until 6 pm instead of 4.30 pm , ensure their safety and better relations with NCAA. 


28th August

A team from the DED's office set up camp in Ngorongoro and started dealing with the for years paralyzed water problem at Ngorongoro Girls Secondary School in Alaitole, while local leaders engaged in totally brainless praise of President Samia. A water pump wa installed and then the team passed through all schools and health centres in Ngorongoro division. 

 

3rd September

NCA rangers refused a group of goat and sheep to get water from Lake Ndutu.


4th September

NCA refused Maasai to pass Endamaghai gate in Olpir with their cattle.


5th September

Mostly CCM delegates met Majaliwa in Dodoma.


6th September.

In Karatu the MP was again praising the president in a terrible way.

  https://www.ippmedia.com/nipashe/habari/kitaifa/read/mbunge-ngorongoro-tumefikisha-kero-zetu-kwa-makalla-azifikishe-kwa-samia-2024-09-06-172122


12th September

Pindi Chana visited the NCAA HQ in Karatu.


12-13 September

Ward meetings with feedback and selecting xommunity members to meet the president. 


16th September

 Mchengerwa announced the boundaries of villages and sub-villages that will participate in the upcoming local government elections . This was detailed in GN No. 769 of 2024, which reinstated the villages in Ngorongoro that had been delisted in GN No. 673 of 2nd August 2024 (publicly online on 19th August). According to Mchengerwa, this was done, “to ensure proper administrative representation and access to social and economic services that meet the needs of residents,”.He did not explain why he illegally delisted the villages in the first place. Accompanied by Arusha RC Makonda, Mchengerwa urged residents to register to the voters’ list and to prepare to contest for political office. 


17th September

NCAA advertorial in the Jamhuri.


18th September

Meeting with the DC in Malambo after complaint by residents of NCAA's dangerous grass burning in the brutally and illegally stolen "game reserve". 


In Longido RC Makonda mentioned that those affected by the "game reserve" in Loliondo will meet the president.


22nd September 

There was a thanksgiving mass at Endulen Catholic Parish for God’s protection during the protests. Sadly, the NCA conservator and president Samia’s advisors also attended - for the president’s sanitation campaign, as usual. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Maasai of Ngorongoro Conservation Area Finally Made the Government Backtrack - How Much of the Promises Has Been Implemented? Can Local Leaders Refrain from Losing the Momentum via Mindless Praise of the President? And How Can this Movement Be Kept Up and Spread to Other Areas Under Attack by the Tourism Cult?

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After an escalated attack (it escalated sharply but started decades ago) since Samia Suluhu Hassan came into office in 2021 - with blocking of all permits for repairs, building materials and motorbikes, strangulation of social services, transfer of funds to Handeni district, harassment by rangers and a campaign of ethnic hatred against Maasai in media and in parliament, all to make the Maasai “relocate” to other people’s land - the Tanzanian government had to backtrack to some extent when the Maasai of Ngorongoro Conservation Area blocked the Serengeti-Ngorongoro road on 18th August, making tourism vehicles come to a standstill, and then camped out in their thousands for five days waiting for a promised response by the panicked government.

 

As reported in the previous blog post (that mainly dealt with the lies surrounding GCAs in the brutal land theft in Loliondo and how there’s a threat of repeating the same in several areas of Tanzania) it had been found that all voters registration update/polling stations had been removed from Ngorongoro division (the same as Ngorongoro Conservation Area, NCA). Then, while waiting to hear from the government it was found that a government notice (GN) signed by the president’s son in law had delisted all villages in the division. The government, after panicking when the passage of tourism vehicles was blocked, made some bizarre and deeply worrying moves to backtrack from this. The villages are no longer delisted and there have been promises to stop the strangulation of social services (some limited implementation has been seen), and to stop the habitual harassment committed by rangers.

 

Sadly, local political leaders, instead of more strongly condemning the torture of the past years and pushing for a speedier and more radical change in government policy, seem to have lost the momentum by engaging in mindless praise of the president.

 

We now know what can make the government backtrack: to directly target tourism. How can this be used to regain the brutally and illegally stolen land that in 2022 was alienated from Loliondo/Sale (do not confuse this with Ngorongoro Division/NCA)?

 



In this blog post:

The disenfranchisement

The protests

The government’s response – backtracking at last, but in a bizarre and dangerous way

Limited implementation and local leaders losing the momentum

Remember the 2020 elections

The horrible UNESCO and IUCN

Brief NCA background

Loliondo

 

The disenfranchisement

As reported in the previous blog post, on 29th July, a 1,115-page pdf document from the so-called Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC, formerly NEC) was being shared on WhatsApp. This document lists all stations for updating the Permanent Voters Register for the local elections in November and the general elections in 2025. During the elections, the same premises serve as polling stations. Not a single station in the 25 villages of Ngorongoro Division/Ngorongoro Conservation Area of Ngorongoro District was found on the list. The registration update/polling stations of Loliondo and Sale, however, remained. Soon already registered voters dialled *152*00# and found that they were registered at different stations in Msomera village in Handeni, to where the government wants them to relocate “voluntarily”. Even deceased relatives were found to be registered in this village. Activists have compiled some 300 screenshots of this bizarre government move that would get worse. To date there isn’t any explanation from authorities. Upon questions from media, INEC referred to TAMISEMI that in its turn referred to INEC. It’s of course INEC that handles these lists, but it was then found that INEC was acting on an illegal GN by the head of TAMISEMI, the president’s son in law, Mohamed Mchengerwa. According to the government’s own figures, some 9,000 Ngorongoro residents have been made to relocate to other people’s land, while over 100,000 remain in Ngorongoro division of Ngorongoro District. Had all registered voters of a population of over 100,000 been transferred to the polling stations of a village that before the unannounced Ngorongoro invasion had a population of some 8,000?

 

On 3rd August, several ward councillors and village leaders (all CCM) together with some common villagers (not all CCM) issued a statement against the disenfranchisement. Then, on 8th August Ngorongoro youths issued their own protest statement. There was a worrying silence from MP Emmanuel Oleshangay but on 13th August he responded to the Citizen newspaper that even he had found himself registered at a polling station in Msomera! Though when contacting INEC, the authority denied having changed any information

 

On 8th August, a meeting at Endulen market to discuss how to end oppression and abuse was invaded and disrupted by heavily armed NCA rangers.

 


On 11th August, NCA rangers held meetings with hotels and lodges telling them:

1. To monitor if any Maasai working in the hotels hold secret meetings. They were told that the Maasai are now enemies of the state, and all their movements should be monitored.

2. That the hotels should ensure that no tourist learns that the Maasai are excluded from voter’s registration.

 

The protests

On 18th August, NCA dawned with massive manifestations and blocking of the Ngorongoro-Serengeti road. People from seven wards (Alaitole, Kakesio, Endulen, Misigiyo, Ngorongoro, Ngoile and Olbalbal), estimated as 50,000, protested concentrating in Ngorongoro ward, while those from Nainokanoka, Alailai and Naiyobi concentrated at Lemala gate were estimated as 20,000. The protestors held leaves as a sign of peace, sang and prayed, some holding neatly pre-printed banners, also in English so that tourists would understand what this was about. Long snakes of tourist vehicles came to a standstill and hundreds of video clips and pictures were shared in social media. Some protesters who knew English engaged in explaining the situation to the tourists.

 











16 people were arrested but released after pressure from the protesters. Ward and village leaders held a disappointingly low profile and weren’t wanted anyway, for being useless, or worse. There were unconfirmed rumours that some councillors, and even the MP, could have been compromised. Around 6pm, the Regional Administrative Secretary and some other people sent by Arusha RC (and hardcore criminal) Paul Makonda arrived. The regional representatives got five days to respond to the protesters’ concerns. NCAA issued a statement saying that “some residents” were holding a manifestation, but that tourism activities were proceeding uninterrupted, and that the manifestation was evidence that there weren’t any human rights violations in NCA.

 

The message was that if the demands are not met, there will be non-stop peaceful demonstration by blocking all tourist roads within NCA.

The demands (any translation mistakes are my fault)

1. Cancelling GN number 673, used to delist 11 wards, 25 villages and 96 sub-villages in Ngorongoro Division (Blogger’s comment: added after this GN was revealed the following day, I suppose)

2. Allowing local government elections:

• Improving the voter register.

• To return all stations and names of voters who have not legally moved and whose names have been arbitrarily moved without their consent

3. Restoring the Ngorongoro Pastoral Council (NPC) based on:

• Restoring Student Funding unlike now that NCAA through Ngorongoro District Council (NDC) has refused to fund 155 students who applied to go to colleges and universities for the financial year FY24.

• Returning the employees of the Pastoral Council to this council.

• Pastoral Council guesthouse.

• Breaking the MOU signed between NCAA, NDC and NPC as it has failed in its implementation as a result the children who are educated by the Pastoral Council have dropped out of school and wander the streets

4. To restore development projects within the Ngorongoro Division

- Health, water, education, livestock and entrepreneurship projects (VICOBA) as the people of Ngorongoro Division have been deprived for 4 years.

5. Remove all gate restrictions:

- The time to enter the park should return to normal unlike now, which has been 4pm closing time when it used to be 6pm.

- Local cars should not pay any entry fee at the gate as they do now.

- Pay for commercial vehicles per year as before

- Residents should not be asked for their permits/ID.

6. The NCAA rangers should stop the arbitrary arrest of local people and their livestock

7. All the areas where we agreed that the livestock should have pasture, all obstacles should be removed, especially the areas where the livestock are suffering are the Marsh, Ndutu, Embakaai Crater, Ormoti Crater and Northern Highland Forest.

8. The government should take strict action against all those involved in the fraud concerning the Msomera exercise trying to convince the government that the remaining people are few when it is not true

9. To make sure that we have security in our homes, the action of rangers coming to our homes and raiding without a search warrant is ignorance and slavery, we are not under military rule.

 

Statements in support of the Maasai were (as several times before) issued by Secretary General of Tanzania Episcopal Conference, Charles Kitima and by the for some years useless Tanganyika Law Society that’s been reformed under the leadership of Boniface Mwabukusi.

 

In the usual manner, a video of young Maasai imposters appeared with some bad acting pretending that they were from Ngorongoro and that the protesters were all Kenyans, while they just wanted peace and the government to take action against those “Kenyans”. They did this in front of a baobab that’s never found at the altitude of Ngorongoro and it was soon found that they were from Olmolog in Enduimet, Longido and the video shot in Bweni in Dar es Salaaam region.

 


On the 19th, thousands of people continued gathering – 40,000 have been estimated – mainly at a large gathering in Oloirobi village in Ngorongoro ward - and issued statements that it’s their land, they aren’t going anywhere, and they are waiting for the response promised by the regional authorities. Reports said that NCAA had called for reinforcement by TAWA and TANAPA rangers from Simanjiro and Monduli, and police not from Ngorongoro was already there. A clear message was sent to Hamis Dambaya of the NCAA PR unit that wrote the statement about “some residents”.


 

While gathering an masse and waiting for the response from the government it was in the evening of 19th August found that on 26th June, Mohamed Mchengerwa, President Samia’s son in law and Ministers of State in the President’s Office for Regional Administration and Local Government (TAMISEMI) had signed Government Notice (GN) No.673 delisting all 11 wards, 25 villages and 96 sub-villages of Ngorongoro division (and some other villages in the country) and that this had been mentioned in the government Gazette on 2nd August, but the GN itself had not been published.

 

Thousands of people continued gathered, camping out at Oloirobi on the 20th. Both the CHADEMA and ACT Wazalendo opposition parties issued statements in support of the Maasai of Ngorongoro. Boniface Mwabukusi of TLS, in no uncertain terms, made it clear that Minister Mchengerwa had not any provision of the law to do what he did.



The huge gathering in Oloirobi continued on the 21st. This day, police in Karatu did not allow vehicles going to Ngorongoro to carry any food, in an ugly effort to prevent it from being taken to the protesters. Rangers had been deployed from several regions and stationed at the old NCA headquarters and were reportedly to stay until 8th September.

 


Yet another media spectacle was made of 367 people "relocating" to Msomera before dawn on 22nd August.

 

There was a heavy presence of security forces and the huge gathering in Oloirobi continued. The Ngorongoro MP, Emmanuel Oleshangai, joined for the first time. Overcome by emotion, he cried and had to be held by those accompanying him. He promised that the government would come with a response the following day. Former Simanjiro MP Millya was also there, but not all protesters were impressed. Reportedly, Millya openly said that “We came here to clear all obstacles to smooth the way for the government officials”.


 

Some 40 human rights organizations, which is a larger number than usual, issued a joint statement, and so did Tanzania Land Alliance, TALA.

 

The government’s response – backtracking at last, but in a bizarre and dangerous way

There had been some non-promising behaviour from the government that was going to issue a response: another Msomera spectacle, the cruel blocking of food for the protestors on the 21st, and the illegal and totally deranged GN that had appeared, delisting every village in Ngorongoro Division. Though the government started “responding” already on the 22nd, and in a quite bizarre (don’t know how many times can that word be used in the same blog post) way.

 

In an indeed most bizarre turn of events, it was in the afternoon of 22nd Augustannounced that an injunction had been issued by the court against the delisting of villages. The case was filed the same day as the injunction was granted, which is unheard of, and it was reported in media that would otherwise never report good news for the Maasai (all mainstream media). This case was fraudulentlyfiled in the name of the activist and opposition supporterIsaya Olepose who had been in Ngorongoro since 6th August and had not filed any case or met the lawyer who was saying that he did so. Also the lawyer - Ipilinga Panya - who according to court documents filed the application for Olepose, denies any knowledge of the case. The high speed granted injunction was reported to the speedily gathered government pleasing press by a lawyer called Peter Njau who looked less confident than lawyer usually do on such occasions. The bizarre case was mentioned on 26th September (see below).

The District Executive Officer (DED) then, the same afternoon, announced that the election would go on as usual.

 

This has been described as that the government vomited and used the judiciary to lick it up. The good part was that the government was panicking and had to backtrack, but the use of both the “Independent” National Electoral Commission and the judiciary to pass total lawlessness and forgery is not encouraging.

 

Forgery

On 23rd August it caused some disquiet that photos were shared of Arusha RC Makonda, and the Ministers Lukuvi and Kabudi on their way to Ngorongoro with the notorious Police Commissioner for Operations and Training Awadhi Juma Haji who was in charge of violent arrests of some 500 opposition supporters – including arrests and beatings of senior leaders of the CHADEMA party - to prevent a youth rally from taking place in Mbeya on 12th August.

 

Karatu


Arrival of ministers and RC.



Once in Oloirobi the visit by RC Makonda and the ministers was peaceful. Minister of State at the Prime Minister’s Office, Overseeing Policy, Parliament, and Coordination, William Lukuvi, addressed the multitude with the message that the president will meet with “representatives” (CCM leaders not responsible for the protests …) of the Ngorongoro residents to present their grievances directly.


 

Lukuvi said that the president had directed that all suspended services should be restored. This is good news indeed but strange, since it’s all part of the president’s quite personal war against Ngorongoro, which she declared days after coming into office and has kept up in a horribly rabid way. The president would also send PM Majaliwa to Arusha to meet “representatives”, and that’s never good news, but has since before Samia’s presidency, at least since 2016, always led to increased horrors. Further, the president had instructed the director of elections to make sure that in preparation for the local elections in November all polling stations are set up according to existing wards, villages and sub-villages. Lukuvi also said that the NCAA chief conservator had been instructed to end harassment at Lodoare gate.

 

The Minister for Constitutional and Legal Affairs, Palamagamba Kabudi, said some lofty words about that all Tanzanians are equal, and that all government authority derives from the people, about the rule of law that is upheld by the president and must be enforced by the government, and that it was the reason that the government accepted the bizarre court forgery … RC Makonda did not want to stand before God and be reminded of involvement of oppression and harming Ngorongoro residents, he said that anyone delaying implementation of the president’s orders will liable to consequences. Since Makonda, besides a hardcore criminal, also is a populist, he looked quite comfortable among the multitude. When asked, “Are we moving or are we staying”, he replied, “We will stay right here.”

 


When Kabudi shouted, “Samia tobiko” (“Long live Samia”, in Maa), the reply from several of the protestors was “twaa” (“may she die”).

 


However, in Nainokanoka, Lukuvi insulted the protestors, warning them not to be deceived by those who don’t have Tanzania’s best interests at heart, particularly in social media, and telling them that they may otherwise lose their homes and social services if the tourists, that he claimed are enabling everything, go away.

 

I haven’t seen any clip, but sadly it seems like MP Oleshangai already on the 23rd started excusing President Samia, by claiming that she had been “badly advised”.

 

Limited implementation and local leaders losing the momentum

On 25th August there was a most horrible statement by MP Oleshangai thanking President Samia.

 

Pindi Chana, human rights criminal and recycled Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism (the president frequently moves around the same sycophants among the ministries) said that the ministry will ensure that the government's instructions regarding improving social services are implemented. She particularly mentioned minister Lukuvi’s message to the Maasai that the president had instructed issuance of permits for improvements (blocked since 2021), to let the residents pass Lodoare gate until 6 pm instead of 4.30 pm and ensure their safety and better relations with NCAA.

 

On 26th August an authentic – as opposed to the earlier government forgery - case against TAMISEMI was filed by Julius Laitayok from Endulen, two other Ngorongoro residents and two villagers affected by illegal evictions from land wanted by Kilimanjaro International Airport (KIA). There was a court mention on 17th September, in which the state attorney asked for more time to respond, which was granted. The Ngorongoro part of the case has died a natural death, but the KIA villages have not been relisted.

 

A team from the District Executive Director’s office, already on 26th August, set up camp in Ngorongoro division and started dealing with the for years wilfully paralyzed water problem at Ngorongoro Girls Secondary School in Alaitole, while local leaders engaged in totally brainless praise of the number one enemy of Ngorongoro, President Samia, not least the councillor James Moringe who has been among those speaking up with most seriousness (within the CCM limitations). A water pump was installed and then the team passed through all schools and health centres in Ngorongoro division. However, not enough solar panels were brought (from Ngorongoro District Council, not bought new), so the teachers had to remove a 120-watt panel from one of the classrooms to use for the water pump, but the pump still had to be moved to Esere Primary School since it couldn’t pump enough water.

 

The opposition CHADEMA was again blocked from holding meetings in Ngorongoro on 27th August, with the police alleging “safety” reasons.

 

When a Ngorongoro resident was dialling *152*00# to find out at which polling station they were registered, the message was no longer an unknown station in faraway Msomera. Now the message was that the service was no longer available.

 

Reportedly, on 16th September, Ndian Primary School received 150 bags of cement for repair of its seriously cracked walls. A year ago, non-stop protest at Ndian Primary School 1st - 8th August 2023, to demand a repair permit (all such permits had been denied since 2021) resulted in mass arrests, abductions and torture.

 

Contrary to the new presidential orders there has been harassment by rangers. On 3rd September NCA rangers blocked a group of goat and sheep from getting water from Lake Ndutu, and on the 4th the rangers refused to let Maasai pass Endamaghai gate in Olpiro with their cattle. On 16th September, vehicles belonging to Ngorongoro residents, that also serve as public transport, were blocked for one and a half hour at Lodoare gate. 


Regarding Ndamaghai gate, there’s an ongoing court case, Ngotieti Kokoyo v. NCAA and 2 Others Criminal Appeal No. 9980 of 2024, concerning illegal restrictions on livestock from other areas entering Ngorongoro division. The ruling is set for 31st October.

 

On 5th September, a group of Maasai delegates mostly CCM members from Ngorongoro Division, led by MP Oleshangai met, PM Majaliwa in Dodoma. Their supposed main agenda was to discuss the opportunity to restore the strangled social services in NCA, but the perceived real effect was the sanitation of Majaliwa’s, and the president’s, image. Meeting with Majaliwa has never led to anything good. Even when the Maasai on 25th May 2022, had the opportunity to present no-nonsense community recommendations in two reports – one for Loliondo/Sale and one for NCA – this was in just a few days followed by the brutal military land theft attack on Loliondo. Other examples abound, like the horribly intimidated Loliondo “select committee” in 2016-2017. Regarding NCA, it was Majaliwa who in December 2016, ordered the prohibition (no legal ground) of taking livestock into Ngorongoro crater (also Ormoti and Empakaai craters) for water and saltlicks. It was Majaliwa who on 17th February 2022 came to NCA to in a totally one-sided meeting, announce the Msomera setup and then went on to organize a big meeting in Arusha with imposters – not from Ngorongoro - led by Lekisongo Meijo who falsely call himself chief of all Maasai in Tanzania. The delegates claim the meeting in Dodoma on 5th September as a success, since the PM’s intention was to block the Ngorongoro representatives from meeting president Samia – which is still in the plans. The impression by people in Ngorongoro is that Majaliwa and Samia are using the CCM members, MP, councillors and local traditional leaders for a campaign to sanitize their crimes of the past three years.

 

On 6th September in Karatu, MP Oleshangai was again praising the president in a very stupid way. In closed meeting with Amos Makalla, the CCM Secretary for Ideology, Publicity and Training, Ngorongoro leaders had been promised that Makalla would take all their concerns to President Samia. The public meeting was held in Karatu, since the police had denied a permit for Ngorongoro (not convincing …) Anyway, the message from both the MP and Makalla was more or less that Ngorongoro loves CCM and Samia.

 

I’ve been told that all councillors from Ngorongoro division had been staying in Karatu since 23rd August for meetings held by James Moringe, Alaitole councillor (one of the best …) and two of president Samia’s advisors (one of them was Abdala Bulembu) who in part funded this upscale stay. This and the strange “thanking” of the president all over media has raised fears among Ngorongoro residents. From August to 9th September, James Moringe was moving around in a vehicle allegedly belonging to the president’s son. The councillors had planned holding some kind of party in Ngorongoro to congratulate the president, but there was resistance and it was done on a limited scale on 5th September (same day as the meeting with Majaliwa) in Esere village with the attendance of 20 traditional leaders and CCM people from Kakesio, Alaitole, Endulen, Misigiyo, Ngorongoro, Ngoile and Olbalbal and the two old men who were sent by Samia as her advisors.

 

In early September, in the High Court in Tanga, eight Msomera villagers with land titles sued one Ngorongoro migrant respectively that have invaded their farms. I am having problems getting details about this. Though among those sued are former MP Telele and the supposed bishop Kivuyo. Besides the Ngorongoro migrant, each one of the eight Msomera villagers has also sued the Msomera Village Council. The Handeni District Council, and the Attorney General. Summons have been issued and the government has started intimidating the applicants.

 

On 9th September, a Ngorongoro Division community meeting was held at Mokilal village in Ngorongoro ward. The aim of this meeting was purely for local leaders and MP to defend themselves against accusations of hijacking the protests and siding with the government. They gave feedback from Majaliwa's meeting at Dodoma and their success in stopping the PM from preventing Ngorongoro representatives from meeting the president.

 

On 12th and 13th September, there were wards meetings to give feedback and select representatives from Ngorongoro residents to meet president Samia. Educated people complained that the selected people to 99% are CCM members, uneducated, and from the MP’s political team. All educated CCM critics were refused by the MP to be in the team despite that they got the blessing from the community.

 

On 16th September Minister/son in law Mchengerwa announced the boundaries of villages and sub-villages that will participate in the upcoming local government elections scheduled for 27th November. This was detailed in GN No. 796 of 2024, which reinstated the villages in Ngorongoro that had been delisted in GN No. 673 of 2nd August 2024 (publicly online on 19th August). According to Mchengerwa, this was done, “to ensure proper administrative representation and access to social and economic services that meet the needs of residents,”.He did not explain why he illegally delisted the villages in the first place. Accompanied by Arusha RC Makonda, Mchengerwa urged residents to register to the voters’ list and to prepare to contest for political office. This was a victory indeed.

 


On 17th September, the anti-Maasai rag the Jamhuri ran an article -  Jicho la UNESCO na hatima ya Ngorongoro -with usual government incitement against the Maasai of Ngorongoro Conservation Area. It was formatted as an advertorial from NCAA with its logo as a header, but probably written by Manyerere Jackton who since 2010 in over 60 articles has, like OBC, campaigned for evictions from the dry season grazing areas of Loliondo-Sale (not NCA), using all kinds of fabrications, slander of any individual he’s suspected of being able to speak up for land rights, and accused long lists of named private (and very Tanzanian) individuals of being “Kenyan”, and boasted of being directly involved in arrests of innocent people. This “reporter” keeps to more mainstream government propaganda when writing about NCA (as he also did on 3rd September), which surely is demented enough … The main message of this article or advertorial was about UNESCO’s support for the relocation of the Maasai.

 


On 22nd September there was a thanksgiving mass at Endulen Catholic Parish for God’s protection during the protests. Sadly, the NCA chief conservator … and president Samia’s advisors also attended - for the president’s sanitation campaign, as usual. The representative of their worst tormentor, Presidential Advisor on Political and Community Relations, Rajab Luhwavi, praised the Maasai for their peacefulness, which is the same as insulting them in other words. The MP continued praising the president. Not covered in news reports (that were written by the NCAA PR unit), but in his defence, someone told me that the MP also reiterated the demands for the government to act swiftly in accordance with President Samia Suluhu Hasans directives that all denied social services be restored promptly (the bare minimum for him to do, I’d say) and the Alaitole councillor, James Moringe, re-nailed the worry that the government must not have a hidden agenda to force the Maasai out of the NCA after the 2025 elections.

 


On 26th September the bizarre court case (see above) was mentioned. Advocate Njau appeared in Court and said Olepose was not able to attend but that they are not interested to continue with the case as the villages have been restored. Olepose – who was present in the courtroom - raised his hand and the judge asked, “Who are you?” Olepose said he’s the person named as Applicant, but that he does not know Advocate Njau. He has another lawyer who will appear next time. Njau said, “this is not Olepose my client, my client is a different person”. So the judge asked Olepose how he knew he’s the Applicant if he never instructed the lawyer to file the case? Olepose said because the name in the case is his, the Ward mentioned Endulen, village Nasipooriong and sub village Ormekeke mentioned is where he resides. So, the judge asked Olepose to produce his ID’s which he did. Then Njau said his client is from Nasipooriong village, Ormekeke sub village, Eyasi Ward (of course no such village there).

 

Both Njau and Government lawyers kept insisting the case must be withdrawn, and more so because Olepose said the case was filed without his consent. Thereafter the judge directed that the case be rescheduled to 10th October and Njau bring the real Olepose and this Olepose who appeared in court must also come so the court can ascertain who is saying the truth. (Everybody involved knows that there’s only one Isaya Olepose in Ngorongoro Division).

 

The stupidity continued 26th September with a meeting to strengthen relations between NCAA, the MP, councillors from the 11 wards and traditional leaders. The district chairman and long-time OBC employee Marekani Bayo was there as well, and apparently even went as far as mentioning good relations with the illegal so-called “Pololeti Game Reserve”. This is becoming repetitive, and I only have the report written by NCAA, but reportedly the MP emphasized the importance of the government continuing to provide services to citizens who have “not yet” (bado) made the decision to relocate. I don’t think he meant what the NCAA PR unit implied, but I can’t be sure.

 

So, what been achieved is that harassment of Ngorongoro residents at Lodoare gate has mostly stopped, Esere Primary School has got a water pump and Ndian Primary School has got 150 bags of cement. When will funds illegally diverted to Handeni be returned? When will Flying Medical Service be allowed to fly? Is access to the craters and northern highland forest undisturbed? When and how can those that have relocated due to the strangulation of social services return? Where is the government’s apology for the over three years of illegal restrictions, defunding and harassment?

 

 

 

Remember the 2020 elections

While it’s very good news that the government is, at least in part, finally backtracking from its mistreatment of the Maasai of Ngorongoro Division to make them “relocate”, the totally open and shameless way of ordering about both the Independent National Electoral Commission and the judiciary, making them engage in hardly even hidden lawlessness and forgery, is cause for concern. This is at a time when abductions, torture and murder of opposition politicians by the state apparatus (same as the CCM party) is getting worse each day.

 

On 28th October it will be four years since police and NCAA rangers opened fire at unarmed voters at Oloirobi polling station in Ngorongoro ward, killing not yet 22-year-old Salula Ngorisiolo.

 

On this day of shame in the history of Tanzania, similar to what was what happening all over the country, and particularly where a CCM loss was feared, opposition polling agents weren’t allowed in at the Oloirobi polling station, and around 10am a vehicle belonging to a CCM cadre called Sammi arrived with this Sammi, a CCM polling agent named Oltunyo Oloitai and boxes full of pre-marked ballots. Opposition polling agents and voters refused to let this happen, and Sammi and Oltunyo were taken away by the police. No action was however taken against them, and they were soon seen out and about again. Such boxes, bags and baskets were intercepted all over Tanzania, and reportedly they occurred in other areas of Ngorongoro as well, but it seems like, in the district, only in Oloirobi were the polling agents and voters brave enough to try to stop it. Though in Endulen, the night before the election, the opposition managed to stop CCM’s plan for three fake polling stations.

 

Around noon there was a second attempt at rigging. Then it was “discovered” that the polling agents didn’t have identification from the returning officer, then DED Siumbu. Initially, no party had their agents identified. Only in the middle of the confrontation, the assistant returning officer availed identification letters to CCM polling agents alone.

 

When the opposition polling agents and the voters resisted the removal of the polling agents, the police and the NCAA rangers task force fired teargas and live bullets at the innocent, unarmed civilians. Salula Ngorisiolo was killed. Leepalai Kashiro, who was shot in the stomach, was taken to hospital, while the injured Meshuko Lesitik, Neepai Olorru, and Kone Leyan were taken into police custody.

 


After the murder, the voting was suspended, and then followed hunting and arrests of opposition candidates and cadres. CHADEMA councillor candidate for Ngorongoro ward Tubulu Nebasi, who hadn’t even been at the polling station in Oloirobi, former CCM councillor Daniel Orkery, and the three injured men not in hospital, were detained by the police.

 

For several days nobody seemed sure where the illegally arrested defenders of democracy had been taken, but on 4th November 2020, they were taken to court in Loliondo and released on bail. The charges were of rioting at the polling station, assaulting an assistant returning officer and a guard, and damaging ballot boxes and ballot papers.

 

The ruling was delivered on 10th June 2021. Paulo Neepai Olorru and Gabriel Kone Leyan were convicted on one count of riot and one count of damaging ballot boxes and sentenced to a TShs 100,000 fine each for each count, or 1 year imprisonment, in total TShs 400,000, or 200,000 each. If there were any justice, they would have been awarded medals, not convicted. The other three accused were acquitted. The murderers continue walking free.

 

Salula Ngorisiolo wasn’t involved in politics. He was in Kenya looking for watchman jobs and came back for the election. When fake ballots were brought and opposition polling agent were not allowed into the polling station, he was one of many youths who opposed the unacceptable behaviour – and then the criminal police and NCAA rangers opened fire, ending his life. Salula’s parents and younger siblings depended on his watchman work from which he used to bring home goats and money, and on him helping his father when home.

 


To date, local leaders have not spoken up about the election murder.

 

The horribleUNESCO and IUCN

Only reported to me later, via a newsletter from the Maasai International Solidarity Alliance, on 23rd July, a representative from PINGOs Forum attended the World Heritage Committee 46th session in Delhi, and had prepared a statement with some points regarding the advisory mission to NCA by UNESCO, ICOMOS and IUCN in February (reported about in an earlier blog post), in which no Maasai resident of NCA was informed or consulted. In its usual style, the mission listened to the state party and conservation organizations. The points included the Maasai demand that a new mission should be organized and follow international guidelines on how to engage with indigenous people, and that the report from the February mission should not be published, as it wasn’t legitimate. In an act of censorship, the PINGOs representative was told to delete the point about the report, or he would not be allowed to read the statement. MISA wrote a letter of complaint, and in early September the Maasai representative, lawyer and activist, Joseph Oleshangay, met with UNESCO in Paris. Everybody – except one of the UNESCO people - was kind and agreed that the advisory mission in February had been controlled by the Tanzanian government. There will be another mission. The exception was UNESCO’s Chief of Section, Local and Indigenous Knowledge Systems, a white South African named Nigel Crawhall. This person was quite stupid, aggressive and arrogant, insisting on that the Tanzanian government was saving the Maasai from their own backwardness, and that they were very selfish who weren’t advocating for other tribal people.

 

The Tanzanian government, this time represented by the Zanzibar Minister for Tourism and Heritage, Mudrik Ramadhan Soraga, repeated the usual lies about overpopulation, human-wildlife conflict, environmental degradation, and a transparent and participatory voluntary process, while denying any human rights violations, and the existence of indigenous peoples in Tanzania. Indigeneity, however, is a double-edged sword when the government is violating every human right and all its own laws, regardless of if the victims are classified as indigenous, or not, which the Maasai are by al serious international organizations.

 

Further, on 22nd- 26th July, UNESCO experts came to assess and revalidate the Ngorongoro-Lengai UNESCO Global Geopark. The Maasai only learned about this mission through media, which was basically also what happened when the geopark was established in 2018. MISA again wrote a letter of complaint, including the concerns:

“1) the fact that Geopark promotes tourism, which is already reaching unsustainable levels in

Ngorongoro and is not benefiting local communities;

2) the fact that some of the key featuring attractions of the Geopark are sites with highly significant spiritual and cultural value for the Maasai, such as Ngorongoro Crater and Ormoti, which are places used for rites of passage; this is totally disregarded by the Tanzanian Government, which is promoting tourism and now planning to develop canoeing;

3) the fact that the Ngorongoro Lengai Geopark is benefiting from Chinese investment for the construction of museums and additional infrastructure without consent of the local people;

4) that Geopark bodies are completely ignoring the human rights violations reported in the property and failing to engage with affected communities.”

 

 


In its decision 46 COM 7B.48 from the 46th session, the UNESCO World Heritage Committee continues with the change of tone introduced in the 2023 decision and talks about a “human rights based approach”. For the first time (see below), UNESCO has seen the genocidal Multiple Land Use review proposal, publicly presented by former chief conservator Freddy Manongi in September 2019, and seen by everyone else five years ago.

 

As mentioned earlier, alsofor the first time in its State of conservation of properties inscribed on the of World Heritage List (Extended forty-fifth session Riyadh, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia 10-25 September 2023) UNESCO is addressing the “alleged” violations – that it claims to have received numerous letters about in 2021 and 2022 - urging the State Party to demonstrate, ensure and rebut, while stubbornly denying any own responsibility and putting a lot of faith in a not yet released report by the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights that in January 2023 made government commandeered visit to NCA, Msomera and Loliondo. 

 

UNESCO has earlier claimed to “never at any time asked for the displacement of the Maasai people.” This was not and is not true. In September 2023, the UNESCO claim was instead never to have endorsed or requested forced displacement. The Tanzanian government has through the years used UNESCO’s threats of delisting Ngorongoro Conservation Area as a World Heritage Site, its repeated population panic, and distaste for agriculture of any kind, or “modern” buildings, as an excuse to worsen the human rights situation. The most rabidly anti-Maasai press – as shown again recently in an advertorial by NCAA (see above) - enjoy reporting about UNESCO’s support for eviction plans, and the government has referred to it in its response to being sued in the East African Court of Justice (Reference No.29 of 2022, which, like all cases in the EACJ, is paralyzed for lack of funds). UNESCO’s general secretary in Tanzania, Hamisi M. Malebo, not only supports relocation of the Maasai out of Ngorongoro Conservation Area but has in a shameless and loud way voiced support for the extremely violent and illegal demarcation of 1,500 km2 of essential grazing land in Loliondo and Sale for a “game reserve”. He is repeatedly used as the Tanzanian government’s “expert” in front of international organizations, and I have not seen any kind of indication that UNESCO would distance themselves from this unhinged and malicious idiot. I’ve been informed that, while UNESCO is obviously a criminal organisation it has no legal relationship with the national UNESCO commission of Tanzania. Malebo though is having a great time using the name UNESCO and indeed the organization has never objected.

 

When the genocidal Multiple Land Use Model review proposal was presented in September 2019, the UNESCO World Heritage Centre, the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) and International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) had once again visited Ngorongoro in March the same year and in their report repeated that they wanted the MLUM review completed to see the results and offer advice, while again complaining about the visual impact of settlements with “modern” houses, and so on. They also recommended the State Party (how they refer to the big green snake) to continue to, “promote and encourage voluntary resettlement by communities, consistent with the policies of the Convention and relevant international norms, from within the property to outside by 2028.  As known, unlike recommendations about too many vehicles (the presence of which instead is loudly celebrated), the MNRT loves this kind of recommendation, and the resulting MLUM review proposal was so destructive that it would lead to the end of Maasai livelihoods and culture in Ngorongoro District, and as seen, the genocidal plan for Loliondo, including the annexation to NCA of the illegally demarcated land, has been brutally and lawlessly implemented.

 

The MLUM review report proposed to divide Ngorongoro into four zones, with an extensive “core conservation zone” that is to be a no-go zone for livestock and herders. In NCA this includes the Ngorongoro Highland Forest, with the three craters Ngorongoro, Olmoti and Empakaai where grazing these past few years has been banned through order by PM Kassim Majaliwa, not law. This has led to losing 90% of grazing and water for Nainokanoka, Ngorongoro, Misigiyo wards, and a 100% loss of natural saltlicks for livestock in these wards. The proposal is to do the same with Oldupai Gorge, Laitoli footprints, and the Lake Ndutu and Lake Masek basins. In the rest of Ngorongoro District, the proposal was for NCAA to annex the Lake Natron basin (including areas of Longido and Monduli districts, like Selela forest and Engaruka historical site) and the 1,500 km2 in Loliondo and Sale Divisions and designate most of these areas to be no-go zones for pastoralists and livestock. These huge areas include many villages and are important grazing areas, the loss of which will have disastrous knock-on effects on lives and livelihoods elsewhere. The most recent proposal presented by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism is to have them converted into “game reserves” (total land alienation, for tourism hunting). The in June 2022 implemented alienation and annexation of the 1,500 km2 in Loliondo caters almost perfectly to the wishes of OBC. Only 18% of NCA would remain for people and livestock in the 2019 MLUM review proposal. Is there any sincere person who would dare to say that this can be achieved through “voluntary” relocations? While in Loliondo extreme violence was used, in NCA the brutality of restrictions and harassment has kept worsening  - until August 2024, but a significant improvement is yet to be seen - to make the Maasai leave “voluntarily”. UNESCO has not expressed any concern, deep or otherwise, about this genocidal MLUM review proposal, and has claimed not to have seen it, since “the State Party has not appended this review in their responses”, when everyone else saw it in 2019. Though, in early 2024, a state party report with a 2020 version of the same MLUM review attached was uploaded to UNESCO’s website. And in its recent decision from the 46th session, UNESCO WHC,
Notes that the State Party’s Review of the Multiple Land Use Model (MLUM) management system, undertaken in 2020 and made available only in 2024, states that maintaining a multiple land use model has “more advantages economically, socially, culturally, politically and internally than the one that advocates for changing NCA to other protected area category”;

Considers that the continued implementation of a multiple land use model, that is developed in consultation with stakeholders and rightsholders, and ensures a clear human rights based approach, is appropriate in principle, and further considers that it is essential that there is full engagement, including effective and adequate consultation with all relevant stakeholders and rightsholders, including those who oppose relocation, in relation to the development of the General Management Plan (GMP) and the implementation strategy going forward following the review of the MLUM;”

So, finally UNESCO is feeling the heat.

 

Another example of the instigation that UNESCO has been engaging in is the decision about Ngorongoro in the 4th session of the “Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage World Heritage Committee” from July 2021, UNESCO is there still requesting the State Party to provide information about “the status of agricultural activities in the property” when even the smallest kitchen garden had been banned since 2009, because of UNESCO’s repeated “deep concern” which has led to malnourishment, and they continued being concerned with, “challenges resulting from the significant increase in the number of people residing in the property since its inscription”.

 

How come that UNESCO is so totally unconcerned about the people of Ngorongoro and their culture that they have kept encouraging relocations as long as they’re “voluntary”, and not until 2023 asked questions about the “allegations” of abuse by the government that’s been going on for decades (before taking a sharp turn for the worse under Samia Suluhu Hassan’s presidency) until petitions and letters became “numerous”? What kind of dehumanizing forces make them share the concerns by the tourist-conservation industrial complex? When you keep inciting an authoritarian government that values tourism revenue above human rights, is prone to violence and lawlessness, and full of pathological liars, to do something about too many people, you’re complicit to crime, however much you keep mentioning consultations with stakeholders and rightsholders, and international norms – and now urging the so-called State Party to demonstrate, ensure and rebut, and finally even talking about a "human rights based approach". 

 

I remember how a Maasai activist already around 2012 told me about having met UNESCO and that the organization would now start considering the Maasai and their living culture. They did not, and everything just got worse, but maybe now activists are louder and better organized.

 

I’ve noticed that UNESCO and IUCN representatives in expert teams have shallow knowledge, no discernment, and no moral compass. Their engagement with indigenous representatives – which IUCN and to some extent also UNESCO boast about – carry no weight in their general work. As an example, unlike UNESCO, IUCN did in June 2022 issue a quite serious statement on the brutal and illegal land demarcation in Loliondo (not a world heritage site, but since August 2022 all dry season grazing land is managed by NCAA and illegally out of reach for the Maasai), urging the Tanzania government to immediately stop all human rights violations, to provide remedy and security to those harmed, and to ensure appropriate peaceful measures are undertaken towards recognizing, respecting and protecting the rights of the Maasai communities, even calling on the government to adhere to the 2018 East African Court of Justice injunction on the ongoing land dispute. Maybe they were pressured by indigenous advisers, rattled by footage, and wanting to do damage control for the trophy hunting industry, but this was totally forgotten in a report about Serengeti by a UNESCO and an IUCN expert from January 2024 that I happened to come across and wrote about in the previous blog post. In the stinking report the authors had swallowed every malicious government lie about Loliondo, but adding some bizarre own misunderstanding (or deliberate lie?), baselessly claiming that a change in the Wildlife Conservation Act in 2022 would have turned Loliondo into a protected area, which is a new version of the government lie that I had not earlier seen … The government in its deranged and malicious lies has used 2009/2010, more recently 1951, and sometimes 1891 in its terra nullius efforts. In a footnote, the authors say, “This change of status led to the eviction of Maasai families using the area of the Pololeti GR which was criticized by the UN Rapporteur on Indigenous People and NGO defending the Maasai interests. This issue is not included in the ToR of this mission and outside the scope of this report.” Advisors may want to reconsider the value of their indigenous-washing for IUCN.

 

The authors of the stinking REPORT ON THE JOINT WORLD HERITAGE CENTRE/IUCN REACTIVE MONITORING MISSION TO SERENGETI NATIONAL PARK, UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA), FROM 15 TO 19 JANUARY 2024 were Guy Debonnet, currently Chief of the Natural Heritage Unit at UNESCO World Heritage Centre and Daniel Marnewick, the Area-based Conservation Coordinator for the IUCN Eastern and Southern Regional Office. They met with representatives for the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, particularly TANAPA (SENAPA), and government officials, but of course also the terrible Frankfurt Zoological Society.  Further, and obviously repeated from previous reports – they encourage the of expansion Serengeti National Park into the Speke Gulf area. This is a serious land rights struggle for the residents of three villages in Nyatwali ward, who are less organized than the Maasai of Ngorongoro.

 

Delisting Ngorongoro Conservation Area as a World Heritage is long, long overdue.

 

Brief NCA background

All permits for construction or renovation of schools or health facilities in the 25 villages of NCA, even those already with government funds in their accounts, or third-party donations, have since 2021 been denied by the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority, some of the funds transferred to Handeni, and since 2022 there’s a drive to manipulate the in every way suffocated Maasai to relocate to other people’s land, that in no way can accommodate pastoralism, almost 600 kilometres away. The entrance of construction material into NCA ihas been blocked, herders regularly assaulted by rangers, residents harassed at Lodoare gate, ID is demanded, usually voter’s registration, and in August/September last year 2023 there were mass arrests, or abductions, including torture, and a police state similar to that of Loliondo has developed, even if there isn’t the kind of silence that too often falls over Loliondo like a stinking, damp cloth. Remember that these are not the first restrictions or eviction efforts, but the onslaught has sharply accelerated since President Samia came into office. In 1975, the Maasai were evicted from the crater floor and all cultivation in NCA was prohibited, lifted in 1992 and brought back in 2008/2009. Since 2017, the Maasai no longer even have access to water and saltlicks for their cattle in the crater. Replacement salt provided by NCA was found toxic, leading to cattle deaths. There’s a population panic – used as an excuse for any human rights violations - on part of the government and some international organizations, notably UNESCO, even when Ngorongoro is less densely populated than most areas of Tanzania and has become a huge tourism money-maker for government coffers and deep pockets, with the Maasai living there, in their land.

 

The Maasai already lost access to over 14,000 km2 when evicted from Serengeti in 1959 by the colonial government – accompanied by Bernhard Grzimek’s rallying cry, “Serengeti Shall Not Die” (this Nazi-party member also wanted the Maasai out of Ngorongoro and is still revered by the German embassy in Tanzania) -  and as a compromise deal, they were guaranteed the right to continue occupying the 8,292 km² Ngorongoro Conservation Area as a multiple land-use area administered by the government, in which natural resources would be conserved primarily for their interest, but with due regard for wildlife, and in case of conflict the interest of the Maasai would take precedence. This promise was not kept, and tourism revenue, as seen again and again, has turned into the paramount interest, with restrictions for the Ngorongoro Maasai.

 

In 1975, after a change in the NCA Act in 1974, the Maasai were brutally evicted from residing in Ngorongoro Crater and all cultivation was prohibited. The cultivation ban was lifted in 1992, but brought back in 2009 (or 2008), to the whole of NCA, after many “grave concerns” in the recommendations by UNESCO and IUCN. Now not even the smallest kitchen garden is allowed, which together with loss of access to grazing areas has led to malnutrition. The Maasai are not allowed to build permanent houses and suffer all kinds of harassment by NCA rangers that want to restrict motorbikes, building materials, and demanding permits for just anything, including demanding ID for the Maasai to pass Lodoare gate.

 

Ngorongoro was inscribed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1979, for its natural significance and under a cultural criterium in 2010, but this cultural criterium is paleo-archaeological and not the living Maasai culture, obviously.

 

In 2006, there were relocations to Jema in Oldonyosambu ward of Maasai deemed not to be original inhabitants of NCA. It’s said that most of these people have returned - and in April 2021 they were threatened with eviction.

 

After a visit by PM Majaliwa in December 2016, the Maasai lost access to the three craters Ngorongoro, Olmoti, and Empakaai – by Majaliwa’s order and not by any change to the NCA Act - which has led the loss of 90% of grazing and water for Nainokanoka, Ngorongoro, Misigiyo wards, and a 100% loss of natural saltlicks for livestock in these wards. Replacement salt donated by the NCAA was found to be substandard, adulterated, and lead to the death of many cows.

 

In September 2019, the notorious former chief conservator Freddy Manongi made public a Multiple Land Use Model review proposal, with a zoning proposal that was so destructive that it would lead to the end of Maasai livelihoods and culture in Ngorongoro District. The proposal included the Loliondo 1,500 km2 land theft with annexation to NCA, which was committed in 2022, and has led to widespread impoverishment.


 

Shortly after having come into office in 2021, Samia Suluhu Hassan started bringing up the need to “save” Ngorongoro from the Maasai, in an explicit and repeated way not used by any previous president. A week after her first of several speeches of this kind there was on 12th April 2021 demolition orders for private houses, and government buildings like primary schools, dispensaries, Endulen police station, also churches, and a mosque, which after protests was stopped until further notice. The government switched to the tactic of denying permits for already funded constructions and repairs, defunding social services, and blocking any new projects.

 

Also in 2021, in May, the NCAA headquarters were hastily relocated to Karatu, promotional spectacles headed by the infamous chief conservator Freddy Manongi were held on parliamentary grounds, and in September 2021 a clip was uploaded in which then Deputy Minister Mary Masanja complains about having seen cattle on a trip with MPs and Manongi talks about a war, that pastoralists “have many conspiracies” and that conservationists must start cooking their own conspiracies.

 

In September 2021, major protests were brewing following repeated violent assault by NCA rangers on young herders, harassment of women collecting firewood, exclusion from several grazing areas and blocking of livestock passage at Endamaghai gate. The protests sizzled out with the unexpected and untimely passing of MP William Olenasha.

 

2022 started with a leaked fast-tracked plan for “voluntary” relocations of Ngorongoro Maasai. In the plan the Kitwai and Handeni GCAs are named as the areas for relocation and misleadingly described as protected areas that will be declassified. On the ground in Msomera, Handeni, there was of course a registered village with its land use plan and bewildered villagers looking on as houses were speedily being built for Ngorongoro Maasai. Eventually some Msomera villagers started speaking up about dispossession and abuse. Arusha RC John Mongella was the recommended overseer of the project, and that’s what he became for the whole of the war against the Maasai in both NCA and Loliondo/Sale. The plan recommended seeking permission to use COVID-19 money allocated for the development projects to fund the eviction of Ngorongoro Maasai - and then on 31st March 2022 then DED Mhina sent letters to Ngorongoro headteachers ordering them to transfer COVID-19 funds for Ngorongoro schools to Handeni District council.

 


Adding to the assault, Flying Medical Service the only non-profit air ambulance service in Tanzania, was grounded for 16 months by the Ministry of health and the Tanzania Civil Aviation Authority, from April 2022 to August 2023 when they were temporarily allowed to operate again, but only for emergencies. This temporary clearance ended in November 2023, and they continue grounded.

 

A hate campaign against the Ngorongoro Maasai was sharply escalated in media, led by the editor/owner of the Jamvi la Habari newspaper, Habib Mchange, the stupidly screaming sports presenter turned frontpage reviewer turned inciter of ethnic hatred, Maulid Kitenge, and the old anti-Maasai Jamhuri paper with Manyerere Jackton and Deusdatus Balile. While in the one-party parliament on 9th February 2022, parliamentarians competed in being wilfully or genuinely ignorant, hateful, and calling for evictions from NCA. The Mtwara MP screamed that tanks were needed, there was much laughter and table banging, while only three MPs (all Maasai) spoke up for the Maasai. Then meetings about Ngorongoro were held with Maasai imposters from other parts of Tanzania. Minister Ndumbaro held lying sessions with diplomats to tell them the “truth” about Ngorongoro and Loliondo. Then some in-authentic, compromised, or naïve Maasai registered to be relocated to Msomera and much paraded in media, with former MP Kaika Saning’o Telele (who in 2023 started complaining) as the worst example.

 

A meeting was held on 12th October 2022 between government representatives and Endulen Hospital. The government plan was announced as to further suffocate key life serving services downgrading the hospital to a clinic, which has not been implemented. This was adding to the harsh defunding of clinics and dispensaries and the unexplained grounding of Flying Medical Service for 16 months, and then again.

 

On 29th March 2023, the Controller and Auditor General (CAG), Charles Kichere, announced that 2.5% of Ngorongoro households had been “relocated” at a cost of TShs 24.7 billion. In a threatening way, he said that the cost for “relocating” the remaining 22,000 households would be TShs 988 billion. The CAG did not disclose where the money is coming from.

 

In his budget speech of early June 2023, the then still Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism, (and the president’s son in law) Mohamed Mchengerwa, in a militaristic way promised that there will be no turning back, no surrender, in completing the relocation exercise to Msomera.

 

On 13th July 2023, 15-year old Joshua Olepatorro from Nainokanoka was attacked by NCAA rangers when returning from having grazed cows in Olmoti crater. The ranger identified as Elibariki Israel Namungu - beat him with the butt of his gun, so that three of his upper front teeth were smashed out, and then they left him there in the bush, until he was picked up by his friends. The artist Sifa Bujune was arrested for incitement and then charged with specifically the lines about Joshua Olepatorro as “false, deceptive, misleading, or inaccurate”, violating the Cybercrimes Act. This case was eventually dismissed.

 

In August 2023, there were weeklong protests against blocked repair permits for Ndian Primary School, which was followed by a crazy manhunt in which over 30 people were abducted and tortured for up to a week. Even the Ngorongoro MP was “arrested” and his whereabouts were unknown for two nights.

 

On 9th September 2023, Tundu Lissu was blocked from visiting NCA, and then arrested and charged with illegal assembly for having held two meetings in Loliondo the previous day. This led to protests by women in Ngorongoro division, heavy presence, and harassment by the Field Force Unit, including arrests and beating of women perceived as leaders.

 

On 25th September 2023, Chief Conservator Manongi signed a MoU with the army, or more exactly the national service, Jeshi la Kujenga Taifa (JKT), about building 5,000 houses in Msomera, Kitwai and Saunyi villages, half of them in Msomera. The construction was initiated in a very militaristic way on 6th October 2023.

 

On 12th October 2023, it was announced that the notorious NCA Chief Conservator Freddy Manongi has been replaced, two years after he was supposed to retire. Then, on 15th March 2024, his successor, Richard Kiiza, was removed. Kiiza spent his five months paying 1,250 US dollars per night, staying at Ngorongoro Lodge Meliá (formerly Wildlife Lodge), while payments of university fees for Ngorongoro youths have been stopped and even sick rhinos and elephants aren't treated and samples collected to establish cause of death are lost for lack of transport – as was denounced in a statement by several Ngorongoro leaders on 26th March 2024.

 


On 5th January 2024, then government spokesperson Matinyi made a confession of crime, saying that the government can't improve social services in Ngorongoro, since it's moving people. In Msomera, on 17th January 2024, spokesperson Matinyi made a most terrible announcement about changing the NCA Act to exclude people from the area. Nothing more has been heard about such a government plan.

 

A joint UNESCO, IUCN and ICOMOS mission made a totally government commandeered visit to Ngorongoro Conservation Area and Msomera 3rd– 9th February 2024

 

In mid-March 2024, the government/NCAA went crazy trying to stop the installation of the lawyer and activist Joseph Oleshangay as a traditional leader, via threats and harassment. And in early March even such an installation of the Ngorongoro MP was a government worry, with blocking of high-profile guest like the Simanjiro MP Olesendeka.

 

A letter dated 15th March 2024 from the acting District Executive Officer Emmanuel Sukums (otherwise known as educational officer) informed headteachers in Ngorongoro Division that children to parents that have relocated out of Ngorongoro are not allowed to attend boarding schools in the division, without a permit from the chief conservator, claiming that this could be a strategy for people to return to Ngorongoro, which interferes with government strategy.

 


On 10th April 2024, 135 Ngorongoro migrants to Msomera issued a statement about forgotten promises, warning others from relocating, and saying that they will return to Ngorongoro. On 27th May women who had been forced to relocate to Msomera by the policy targeting “heads of family” and then returned after mistreatment, and those who had refused and become homeless in Ngorongoro spoke to Kusaga TV (online media). And on 29th June, several Msomera villagers again spoke up about being overrun and “informed” at gunpoint that their land now was for Ngorongoro migrants, while they as residents of a registered village were “invaders” of a game controlled area.

 

After the brief and corruption laden conservatorship of Richard Kiiza, on 6th May 2024 President Samia appointed Elirehema Joshua Doriye as Ngorongoro Chief Conservator.

 

On 7th June 2024, it was announced that Tanzania has been removed from the EU's NatureAfrica scheme for which the European Commission had allocated 18 million euros, and only Kenya is now targeted. There were also new conditions that indigenous and local people's rights must be respected.

 

 

Loliondo

In Loliondo and Sale Divisions (Loliondo GCA/hunting block) the government continues its brutal theft of all dry-season grazing land, in complete contempt of the high court that has suspended the operation of the illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve” until the determination of Miscellaneous Civil Cause No.178 of 2022. The ruling of this case is set for 22nd October, and for an independent court it’s a clearcut case, since the president’s GN declaring the illegal “game reserve”, just like the minister’s earlier declaration of a GCA that was declared null and void, so obviously totally lacked mandatory consultation. All councillors from affected wards were even abducted at the time it was declared … The government’s lawyers have included some amateurish forgeries in their affidavits, which should not fool any judge with a minimum of independence.

 

The dry season is getting bad indeed, later than in 2022 and 2023, since this year has been exceptionally wet. Obtaining information from the ground is once again unreasonably difficult, but there are reports that the “Pololeti” (NCAA) rangers are engaging in controlled grass burns in an uncontrolled way, with aims of intimation to keep people and livestock away, all over the stolen land, and making wildlife move outside the “game reserve”. In Malambo there were protests on 18th September and reportedly the DC asked NCAA to stop the burning, but I can’t get much detail about this.

 

Interestingly, on Minister Mchengerwa’s list of villages and sub-villages where the local elections will proceed as usual are the Malambo sub-villages of Sanjan and Ndinyika from where people have been evicted and the polling station are found inside the illegal game reserve, if they have not been demolished.

 

The Germans and Frankfurt Zoological Society - that are a bigger threat to Maasai land rights than even OBC that organize hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai and for years lobbied for the brutal land theft that was committed in 2022. The Germans continue as active as always, seeking to strengthen their malicious influence on land management. These criminals funded and facilitated twice rejected Draft Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2023-2043, drafted to legitimize the brutal and illegal land theft of 2022. Now they are announcing sponsorships for students from several villages of Loliondo and Sale divisions

 

In Longido District (not to be confused with Loliondo division of Ngorongoro district) on 18th September, hardcore criminal and Arusha RC Makonda spoke big words to lessen fears about land alienation, and mentioned that not only the Maasai of Ngorongoro will meet the president, but also those from Loliondo, affected by the so-called “Pololeti Game Reserve”? He made it seem like they could get the land back. Makonda can of course say anything, regardless of if it’s true or not, but can this be used in any way?

 

How can the victory in Ngorongoro Conservation Area be used to get back the stolen land in Loliondo? There isn’t mass tourism to block, but decisive action is needed. How can even the extreme strangulation of the Maasai of Ngorongoro division for over three years be reversed, when instead of making the most of the government’s panic reaction to the protests, local leaders are working on strengthening their relations with authorities?

 


Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com

 

Please contact me with any questions about Loliondo. Never guess and never copy hurriedly written newspaper articles, or even reports by serious organizations, without double checking. Also, please contact me with any information you may have. Don’t assume that I’m getting it automatically. I must chase people 24-7 for information. While anyone with good intentions is allowed to use anything written in my blog, and I’ve long ago understood that many fear being associated with me, I appreciate being given credit or at least having my blog linked to

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Worst Possible Loliondo Ruling in the High Court – Based on Deeply Malicious Terra Nullius Lies and Forged Documents

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A month ago, the kangaroo High Court and Judge Nyigulila Mwaseba on every point by the Maasai dismissed the case against the president’s Government Notice (GN) declaring a “Pololeti Game Reserve” on 1,502 km2 of legally registered village land that’s dry season grazing land for more than 14 Loliondo and Sale villages. This was done using the most malicious and deranged terra nullius lies about game controlled areas (GCAs) and obviously forged documents.

 

OBC, that organize hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, has for decades lobbied to have this land taken from the Maasai. OBC has had the 4,000 km2 Loliondo GCA hunting block (right to hunt) since 1992-1993. This covers the whole of Loliondo Division of Ngorongoro District and part of Sale Division, including two towns and agricultural areas, which is why OBC have wanted it reduced to their 1,500 km2 core hunting area that’s important Maasai grazing land. The Maasai have through years with a local police state that’s harassed anyone criticising OBC and the American operator Thomson Safaris (that claim a private nature refuge outside the 1,500 km2), and illegal mass arson operations in 2009 and 2017, managed to keep the land until the advent of Tanzania’s most brutal and anti-pastoralist president ever – Samia Suluhu Hassan.

 

In the illegal demarcation operation by security forces that commenced on 10th June 2022, more than 150 people were arrested and over 40 seriously injured, over 2,000 fled across the border to Kenya. People were tortured and raped. The security forces stole motorbikes and phones and destroyed houses and other buildings. Orias Oleng’iyo, 84-year old, was injured by gunshot, taken by security personnel and has not been seen ever since. The habeas corpus case filed by his son was dismissed. All councillors from affected wards were abducted on the eve of the attack and held for over 5 months, charged with murder for a killing of a police officer that took place the day after they were abducted. Random people initially accused of having shared pictures of the violence were added to the murder charges that the government didn’t show any interest in investigating and then just dropped after many postponements. All cases against 132 people accused of being "Kenyans" were also dropped. The government has boasted of tens of thousands of cattle seizures with extortionate “fines” (ransom payments) of 100,000 TShs per head of cattle. The loss of land, cattle, and the payment of “fines” has radically deepened poverty.

 

On 17th June 2022 Minister Pindi Chana declared the illegally demarcated land a new kind of GCA (introduced in 2009-2010 to create confusion in which to steal land) that’s the same as a game reserve. With an ongoing court case against the minister’s new GCA, the president on 14th October 2022, declared the same land a game reserve. The minister’s order was by the court declared null and void for lack of the mandatory consultation. Temporary orders to stop the operation of the game reserve until that case was determined were shamelessly violated by the government and the contempt of court case was dismissed.

 

The kangaroo court ruling signifies increased danger to areas all over Tanzania that are under threat of being alienated as game reserves.

 

A notice of appeal was swiftly filed.

 

The written ruling was almost immediately available and shared, so I have no excuse for being this slow, other than that new issues keep popping up with incomplete details and information is sometimes very hard, or impossible, to get hold of. I fear I can have missed a lot. Being sleepy and unfocused does not help but is not an excuse.

 

This blog post also has some updates about the implementation of government promises after mass protests in Ngorongoro Conservation Area/Ngorongoro Division (not to be confused with Loliondo), about other court cases, the distraction of a supposed squabble between TAWA and NCAA, and a reminder of the game reserve threat all over Tanzania.  

 

In this blog post:

The kangaroo court ruling

The Tanzanian government’s changing stories about Loliondo GCA while attempting to steal all dry season grazing land within it

Other court cases

Currently

OBC’s “friends” working to have the stolen village land managed by TAWA

The monstrous game reserve threats

New protests needed in Ngorongoro Conservation Area

 

In the court room.

The kangaroo court ruling

On 24th October – initially scheduled for the 22nd– in the High Court, Judge Nyigulila Mwaseba dismissed Miscellaneous Civil Cause No.18 of 2023 Latang’amwaki Ndwati & 7 Others vs. Attorney General (known as No.178 of 2022 before being granted leave) and thereby ruled in favour of the brutally and illegally demarcated “Pololeti Game Reserve” in Loliondo. This was the case concerning the president’s Government Notice (GN) No. 604 of 2022 that declared 1,502 km2 of essential dry season grazing land this kind of protected area that’s meant for tourism hunting and radically excludes the Maasai landowners. This should not have come as a surprise, considering how the judiciary has previously consented to being used as toilet paper by the government, but I had some hope after the minister’s GN was declared null and void for lack of mandatory consultation (exactlythe same applies to the president’s GN that was hastily gazetted on 14th October 2022, only four months after the minister’s GN declaring the same land a Game Controlled Area, against which there was already an ongoing court case) and operation of the illegal game reserve was suspended by the court until determination of the case – even if the temporary orders were shamelessly violated without any kind of action by the court, other than dismissing the contempt of court case … There was also a faint hope of at least some populism in election times (as happened in NCA that’s NOT to be confused with Loliondo), but with the Tanzanian government, under the most viciously anti-Maasai president ever, the wishes of tourism, “conservation”, Dubai, and Germany carry more weight than the Maasai, the law, or the most basic humanity.

 

With the most aggressive dishonesty, the ruling pretends that the stolen 1,502 km2 (and actually the 4,000 km2 covering the whole of Loliondo and part of Sale Division of Ngorongoro District) was already a protected area since 1951 (“time immemorial” was also mentioned) when these 1,502 km2 have been owned and used as Maasai grazing land for centuries, before and during colonial times, under customary ownership, which was recognized by the Land Act No.3 of 1923. The Maasai evicted from Serengeti in 1959 moved to both NCA and Loliondo. In the 1970s the villages in Loliondo and Sale were registered under the Village and Ujamaa Villages Act, then in 1982 under the Local Government (District Authorities) Act – could enter legally binding contracts on their own behalf - and got further protection as village land belonging to the village assembly (all adult villagers) managed by the village council under Village Land Act No.5 of 1999. Still Judge Mwaseba pretends that 2,498 km2that contain two towns, district headquarters, the DC’s office, the magistrate court, hospitals and schools, agricultural land, forest reserves and a nasty “nature refuge” grabbed by an American investor– were “left for community use”, and keeps using this monumentally malicious lie as evidence of the government’s “good faith”.

 

The horrible lie about the Game Controlled Area – pretending that evicting the Maasai from 1,500 km2 means gifting them with 2,500 km2 - was introduced by Minister Kagasheki in 2013, which led to protests in which the Maasai gained the support of both the opposition CHADEMA and the CCM ruling party. In September the same year then PM Mizengo Pinda in an emotional speech in Wasso declared that the land without any doubt was village land, that the Maasai should go on with their lives as before, and that Kagasheki would not be allowed to bother them. Pinda had already in a letter to the RC in May 2013 made it clear that the land was village land, but this letter was otherwise less friendly to the Maasai. After the Kagasheki threat was averted, the government changed to other lies in its efforts to evict the Maasai from the 1,500 km2 that the hunting investor from Dubai, OBC, was lobbying to have converted into a protected area. During the mass arson operation in 2017, Minister Maghembe returned to the horrible GCA lie, while his ministry and the DC engaged in other lies, but that did not deny the village land. Then - as seen - in 2022, every government representative had been prepared to return to the lie about the GCA loudly in media, when meeting diplomats, and at every international event. Now the judge obediently has done the same.

 

The GCA established in 1951 to regulate hunting and later only serving to delimit hunting blocks, has always totally overlapped with village land and not interfered with the activities of local people. The same applies to huge areas all over Tanzaniaand the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism have issued explicit wishes for many new game reserves, including a detailed proposal for alienating basically all grazing land in the Northern Zone  (see earlier blog posts and below) – which makes this malicious ruling even more dangerous.

 

Since I’ve mentioned 2013, I must remind everyone to stop copying the incorrect information that in this year there were evictions, like those in 2009 and 2017. There were not. With hindsight it was a good year. Maybe the best. It’s sad, and unhelpful, that with such maliciously lying enemies, not even the friends of Loliondo are able to keep to facts …

 

The other main point of the malicious ruling:

is the lie that there was mandatory consultation before the gazettement of the illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve”! This is based on obviously forged documents that even if they would have been genuine would not signify consultation.

 

As known, in the eve on the brutal military demarcation attack on Loliondo all councillors from the eight wards with land in the area wanted by the government and the investor for a game reserve – except the Soitsambu councillor who didn’t attend and managed to flee – plus two women’s special seats councillors, and the CCM district chairman were lured to a meeting by then DC Raymond Mwangwala. They were abducted, bundled in two cars and driven to Arusha overnight. They were held incommunicado until 16th June when they were charged with murder of a police officer who was killed by a poison arrow in confrontations the day after they were abducted. They were remanded/abducted, with repeatedly postponed hearings and no real attempt at prosecution, until the announcement over five months later, on 22nd November, that the Director of Public Prosecution (DPP) had no intention to continue with the case. Meanwhile, Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism, Pindi Chana (this criminal is back at the head of this ministry) had on 17th June gazetted the illegally demarcated land as a new kind of GCA that’s the same as a game reserve, and on 31st October, or 1st November 2022, it was announced that President Samia had on 14th October declared a Pololeti Game Reserve (GN No.604, 2022). Such was the level of “consultation”.

 

Not shy to appear as terminally stupid, Judge Mwaseba in her ruling argues that the abduction of the councillors does not have anything to do with the proclamation of the game reserve since it happened in June while the GN is from October.

 

Judge Mwaseba refers to a district council meeting on 24th September 2022 in which the promulgation of the “Pololeti Game Reserve” was on the agenda and 25 councillors -obviously none from the wards whose land was affected since they were still abducted - signed the attendance list reaching the required quorum. Besides that attendance is not consultation, the minutes were most probably forged and several councillors and village chairpersons have submitted affidavits that they were not consulted.

 

Further, those minutes refer to a letter from the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism to the Arusha Regional Administrative Secretary (RAS) indicating the president's intention to upgrade the “Pololeti Game Controlled Area” to a Game Reserve, dated 7th June 2022 and a letter from the RAS to the District Executive Director (DED), dated 14th June 2022. These forgeries, that were attached to the counter affidavit signed by “Wildlife Conservation Officer” Emmanuel Daniel Pius, (the government’s go to perjurer who in other cases has signed other sets of lies) were not so cleverly backdated when the “Pololeti GCA” itself was not gazetted until 17th June 2022. The letters are worded “utakumbuka” (“you will remember”) as if the “Pololeti GCA” would have been gazetted in the past instead of in the future. “If the President was already considering the establishment of a Game Reserve before June 7, and the MNRT communicated this intention to RAS Arusha why would the Minister (Pindi Chana) declare a Game Controlled Area in the same area while the ministry purported to have a plan from the President? Only a kangaroo court can overlook this inconsistency.", says advocate Joseph Oleshangay.


 

Further, according to Advocate Oleshangay, the documents that the government – and the judge – regard as evidence of consultation were not even submitted during the preliminary stages of the case. Instead, the government submitted a document from the 2016-2017 select committee that PM Majaliwa tasked the Arusha RC Mrisho Gambo to set up. This committee, besides the enemies of the Maasai in the shape of government, investors, and conservation organizations, included many local leaders and some NGO people who after multiple illegal arrests and malicious prosecution against four people were more weakened and intimidated than ever. OBC had sent a “report” to media with their complaints, and the PM wanted to “solve the conflict”, leaving a Wildlife Conservation Area (WMA) or a government protected area (game reserve/new kind of GCA) as the only options. The local leaders argued for a WMA – which nobody in Loliondo had ever wanted and which had been successfully fought off when the government and FZS had earlier tried to impose it. A WMA is a form of eviction while nominally still village land and I only know of one case, Enduimet, in which grazing rights may have been (precariously) maintained. Though it should be noted that it can only be established on village land, so the PM was at that time not denying the status of the land. In March 2017 there were spontaneous protests (a very popularly misused picture is from these protests) in village after village against the select committee and the WMA idea, but then leaders celebrated it as a victory when this option was finally presented to the PM. As known, what followed was sharply increased fear and government crime until an improvement in early 2019 (when OBC’s director was arrested, accused of economic sabotage, then instead of prosecuted, extorted via plea bargaining) and a dramatically increased threat later the same year which was ignored by local leaders until it was imminent in 2022. Anyway, during the proceedings, it was revealed in the Ndalamia case against the Minister's declaration of the same area as a Game Controlled Area, the Gambo document failed to meet the necessary requirements for a consultative process. Then the government forged new documents for the case against the president’s game reserve declaration – and the judge found them convincing.

 

Notused by the government as evidence of “consultation” were the “community recommendations” (on both NCA and the 1,500 km2 in Loliondo) that in an elaborate ceremony on 25th March 2022 – few days before the military demarcation attack on Loliondo - were handed over to PM Majaliwa who had requested them and said that he was going to work on the recommendations. There’s little doubt that the PM’s intention was to twist and lie to use these recommendations to justify the attack. However, the Loliondo/Sale report, while written in a haste and containing some mistakes, clearly recommended a stop to any plans of alienating the 1,500 km2, investigations into human rights violations, and the removal of OBC. That was what Majaliwa had to work with, but instead he stole the land, committed atrocities, and OBC is still there.

 

Further, the German-funded, FZS facilitated, draft Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2023-2043 that was meant to – after the crime was committed– legalize the brutal land theft, has twice been rejected by Ngorongoro District Council. Likewise, the OBC-funded draft Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2010 -2030 that proposed a 1,500 km2 protected area was rejected by the district council in 2011 and therefore not implemented.

 

OBC is not mentioned in the ruling. At least not directly, but this ruling says that the State Attorney had argued that the plan of reserving the 1,502 km2 had persisted for 30 years before being implemented, and that the “Pololeti Game Reserve” was promulgated with a view to “protect and ensure sustainable conservation in order to protect the natural resources, including the wild animals as a major source of foreign currency in our country”. The ruling also claims that the minister’s GN of 17th June 2022 was ordered already in 2013, “forgetting” that this criminal order was reversed by then PM Pinda and was followed by other attempts at taking the land. How does a persistent threat justify a horrendous crime? Every single point by the Maasai is denied by the judge in any twisted and often contradicting way. The judge pretends that the “alleged” violence did not have anything to do with the president’s GN, since it took place in June and the GN was gazetted in October. Most nauseating is that the ruling several times repeats that the ruling was done in “good faith”, and that not turning towns and the DC office into a game reserve would prove this …


There hasn’t been any coverage at all in Tanzanian press on this court ruling. Internationally, the Oakland Institute has reported without analysing the main arguments in the ruling, but emphasized how the Tanzanian government keeps shopping for judges until it gets a favourable outcome. 

 

This kangaroo court ruling will of course be appealed, and a notice of appeal has already been filed.

 


The Tanzanian government’s changing stories about Loliondo GCA while attempting to steal all dry season grazing land within it

I have written this before, but it should be remembered how the Tanzanian government keeps changing its story about Loliondo, but that the aim is always to take all dry season grazing land away from the Maasai.

 

-In the early 2000s, the Tanzanian government, together with Frankfurt Zoological Society (FZS), were pushing the Maasai to establish a Wildlife Management Area (WMA), which can only be established on village land where much of the management is handed over to investors, conservation organizations and the government, while the land nominally stays as village land. The Maasai of Loliondo succeeded in rejecting the WMA.

 

-During the terrible drought in 2009, the 1,500 km2 was illegally invaded by the Field Force Unit working with OBC’s rangers, with mass arson, dispersal of cattle, and abuse of every kind. 7-year-old Nashipai Gume was lost in the chaos and never found, ever since. After various strange announcements in the press, in September the same year an official statement on the arson operation was issued by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism and signed by Minister Shamsa Mwangunga. This statement said that the operation was necessary to save wildlife, water sources and the tourism hunting industry and that it was only conducted in part of the 4,000 km2 Loliondo GCA (as if anyone would have expected the DC’s office to be burnt down …) The statement blamed a sudden influx of people, particularly “Kenyans”. This statement warned that with the incoming Wildlife Conservation Act 2009 (WCA 2009), GCA and village land would be separated.

 

-In February 2011, the draft Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2010-2030 was revealed. It proposed turning the 1,500 km2 into the new kind of GCA that’s the same as a game reserve, which led to immediate protests. This plan was rejected by the district council. Earlier, in November 2009, Isaack Mollel, director of OBC, had boasted to the press that the company had donated TShs.156 million to Arusha Region for land use planning in Loliondo GCA, and the government had then issued threats of a “wildlife corridor”, which had led to several acts of protest. After the 2010-2030 plan was rejected, local leaders thought that the government had been defeated.

 

-Next attack came in 2013, when Minister Kagasheki issued disgusting and vociferous lies that the 4,000 km2 Loliondo GCA (including towns, district headquarters, magistrate court, agricultural areas, forest reserves, etc. etc. …) was a protected area and that the Maasai were landless people who would be generously gifted with 2,500 km2. The Maasai, united and more serious than ever before (or after) held mass protest meetings and sent protest delegations to Dar es Salaam and Dodoma. Both the opposition and the ruling party came out in support of the Maasai and against Kagasheki. On 23rd September 2013, PM Pinda in an emotional speech in Wasso town declared that they should go on with their lives as before and that Kagasheki would not be allowed to threaten them anymore. Pinda had already in a letter to the Arusha RC in May the same year, even if not as strongly supportive, made very clear that the land was village land. (There was of course NOT an evictions operation in 2013).

 

 -For some years, the government (and OBC) changed its tactics and instead of lies about the status of the land, worked on divide and rule and increased threats against anyone who could speak up. The repression worsened sharply with Magufuli in office with several lengthy arrests and malicious prosecution in 2016. When all local leaders were terrified enough, PM Majaliwa declared that there were only two options for the land: WMA or government protected area (game reserve/new GCA). A select committee, led by then Arusha RC Gambo was set up to reach a proposal to hand over to Majaliwa. This committee, that included many local leaders, also those from NGOs, was met with spontaneous protests in village after village, since at best it would propose a WMA which nobody wanted (and this is reportedly what was done, even if no written version of this proposal has ever to this day been shared with me).

 

-“Unexpectedly”, while everyone was waiting to hear the PM’s decision, on 13th August 2017 an illegal mass arson operation, like the one in 2009, was initiated and continued long into October. Hundreds of bomas were razed to the ground by Serengeti rangers, assisted by NCA rangers and those from OBC, TAWA, local police, and others. People were beaten and raped, illegally arrested, and cattle seized. This time the government had two different lies: Minister Maghembe pretended that the 1,500 km2 had been turned into a protected area (the crime that was committed years later in 2022) that had been “invaded”, while the DC and Maghembe’s own ministry, said it was not about the 1,500 km2, since PM Majaliwa was to announce a decision about that, but that village land was invaded because people were entering Serengeti National Park “too easily”.


 

 -On 6th December 2017, ending the optimism that followed when the new minister, Kigwangalla, stopped the illegal and brutal operation and promised that OBC would have to leave, Majaliwa delivered his vague but terrifying decision that was about, through a “legal bill”, creating a “special authority” to manage the land. He also said that OBC were staying (but still all kinds of people writing about Loliondo refuse to understand that OBC never left). Fortunately, such a legal bill was never presented.

 

-2018 was the year of the most paralysing fear ever (partly unexplained) and illegal arrests for the sake of intimidation continued, but in 2019, after OBC's director was arrested and extorted via plea bargaining, leaders in Loliondo again started pretending that the threat had been averted, and unbelievably they continued with this even after the genocidal Multiple Land Use Model review proposal for NCA was presented in September the same year. This proposal included the alienation of the 1,500km2 in two areas (as in 2022 was brutally and illegally done) and the annexation of the land to Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority. Not much was heard from the government, except for the District Executive Director’s work to make village leaders withdraw court cases, which failed. The “legal bill” and the “special authority” seemed totally forgotten.

 

-With the extremely violent military attack on Loliondo in 2022 the government was back to using the strange and shameless Kagasheki-style lies, and this time every government representative had been prepared to use the lies loudly in media, when meeting diplomats, and at every international event. While all councillors from affected wards were abducted at unknown location, government representatives like ambassador Hoyce Temu at the UN in Geneva were lying that a 4,000 km2 reserved area since 1951 (sometimes the lie has been 1891) had been “encroached” and that the government in “peaceful talks with local residents” had agreed to divide the area and “keep” 1,500 km2 as a protected area, and that a minority against the exercise made recordings while posing threateningly. Minister Ndumbaro had brought back these lies already in an interview with Deutsche Welle in March 2022, and on 21st June, during the military attack, he repeated the lies to stupidly clapping and laughing foreign diplomats. The nasty and maybe genuinely stupid Professor Malebo, Tanzanian UNESCO secretary, has shown up at different venues claiming that the land was uninhabited since time immemorial.

 

-The government has since kept to the Kagasheki-style lies, including while committing contempt of court after the High Court stayed operation of the illegal “game reserve” pending determination of Misc Civil Cause No. 18 of 2023 (initially called No.178 of 2022, see above). According to this demented lie - that the High court now has totally swallowed - the land reverting back to the old 4,000 km2 Loliondo Game Controlled Area means that it is still a protected area, and that grazing is not allowed. This also means that the DC´s office, district headquarters, the magistrate court, hospital, and all traders in Wasso and Loliondo towns, along with all in residential and agricultural areas, are trespassing and should be evicted, but this is of course not happening.

 

In court

The kangaroo court ruling described above will be appealed and there are also other court cases:

 

The East African Court of Justice has been paralyzed, without hearings, for some time, because of lack of funding, but now hearings have resumed and on 13th November there was a scheduling conference for, Appeal No.2 of 2024 Ololosokwan Village Council & Others v. the Attorney General of the United Republic of Tanzania. The judges in the first instance division on 15th November 2023 dismissed Application No.2 of 2022, the contempt of court application arising from Application No. 15 of 2017 that in September 2018 led to temporary orders restraining the government from evictions, destruction, and harassment of the applicants. The contempt of court case was filed in January 2022 when then Arusha RC Mongella was seriously threatening the Maasai of Loliondo, and then with the brutal and illegal demarcation exercise, and the gazettement of a protected area in June 2022, the temporary orders were violated to some extreme measure indeed. The applicants’ lawyers were never given a chance to argue the application in court! Involved in this judicial hooliganism was the son of a landgrabber, Charles Nyachae, who also was behaving in a decidedly weird way with Reference No.10 of 2017.

 

On 29th November 2023, the Appellate Division of the East African Court of Justice allowed Appeal No.13 of 2022 and remitted Reference No.10 of 2017 back to the trial court. The court also awarded costs to the applicants. This is the case concerning the brutal mass arson operation of 2017. This case is overtaken by events after an even worse crime than mass arson and human rights violations has been committed with the illegal creation of a protected area in June 2022. Initially in 2017, the attorney general was arguing that the land would mysteriously have become a game reserve, but in 2018 the government side change to saying that the 2017 operation only took place in Serengeti National Park and not on village land. Even the government’s (TANAPA’s) own map from this mass arson clearly shows that an overwhelming majority of bomas were burned on village land. Still, the judges – one of them is the son of a grabber of Maasai land in Kenya - ruled that the applicants had failed to prove this. They also behaved strangely with last minute postponements during the brutal military demarcation attack on Loliondo, and the writing of the ruling indicated that they could not have understood anything of what the witnesses were saying.

 

Reference No.37 of 2022 Megweri Mako & 5 Others vs. Attorney General of Tanzania is also in the East African Court of Justice. This case is extremely important and concerns the brutal 2022 theft of the 1,502 km2 in Loliondo for a protected area. There is not any hearing scheduled for this case.

 

As reported in the previous blog posts, for years there’s been deliberate withholding of information about Thomson Safaris’ disgusting land grab (currently 10,000 acres in Sukenya and Mondorosi villages) outside the 1,502 km2, on the land that the government, and its Judge Mwaseba say they have “left for community use”.  Misc. Land Application No. 14157 of 2024 was in court on 23rd July, the state attorney was given 14 days to respond to the application and on 15th August the court ruled on this miscellaneous application granting a representative suit. The plaint was to be filed within 30 days. Land Case No. ? of 2024 - 144 villagers versus Tanzania Conservation Ltd (Thomson Safaris), Tanzania Breweries Ltd, the Commissioner for Land, Ngorongoro District Council, and the Attorney General - was called on 7th November 2024 and on 3rd December is the hearing on preliminary objections raised by the Attorney General. The case replaces the one filed by the villages in 2013 and the appeal against an unjust ruling. This appeal was killed in February 2022 based on legislation introduced under Magufuli to do away with all separation of power, so that local governments can’t sue the central government, and can’t use private lawyers, but it should not have been possible to use this on a case filed before the law came into operation.

 

Another case in the East African Court of Justice is Reference No. 29 of 2022 Thadeus Clamian vs. Attorney General of Tanzania regarding illegal and suffocating restrictions in Ngorongoro Conservation Area (not Loliondo), but no hearing is scheduled.

 

Ngotieti Kokoyo v. NCAA and 2 Others Criminal Appeal No. 9980 of 2024 is a case that challenged the fine imposed by the NCAA on livestock that entered Ngorongoro on 6th April 2024 through the Endamaghai gate (NCA, Not Loliondo) “without permission”. On 19th September, the State Prosecutor acknowledged that NCAA had wrongfully imposed the fine under the Wildlife Conservation Act, which is applicable in other protected areas, but not in Ngorongoro where livestock enter lawfully under Section 6 of the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Act. Unexpectedly, the judge disagreed with the position that appellants and respondent had agreed on. The Court indicated that it would deliver a ruling based solely on one issue: whether NCAA had properly filed the prescribed form for the compounding of livestock, and whether the receipt for the fine alone presented by the Appellant is sufficient to justify appeal in the absence of a formal written ruling from Ngorongoro to compound livestock. In the ruling on 31st October, the judge dismissed the appeal!

 

On 13th November 2024, six applicants from Ngorongoro Division (not Loliondo) filed another case versus the Independent National Electoral Commission and Attorney General, about illegal transfer of voters’ information and polling stations to Msomera. It was firstly mentioned on 15th November and then again on 22nd November, before Judge Mwenda, where the respondents’ lawyer asked for two weeks to file counter affidavit and represent it on 6th December and applicants will file reply affidavit on 20th December. The case will be mentioned on 18th February 2025. 


Like all voters in Ngorongoro Divisions, in July the applicants, without any information and without having any plans to relocate, when dialling *152*00# found that they had been registered at polling stations in Msomera, Handeni. Voters at 122 polling stations had been squeezed into 17 polling stations, almost 600 kilometres away. This includes some voters who are no longer alive, like former MP Wiiliam Olenasha who passed away on 28th September 2021.

 

Currently

The nightmare continues, the illegal beacons still stand demarcating the stolen land in Loliondo, even when there were temporary court orders suspending the illegal game reserve, the Tanzanian government violated those orders, seizing cattle and demanding extortionate ransom money. However, this year has been exceptionally wet and there was grazing elsewhere long into the rainy season. Silence from the ground is terrible, but there are reports that it’s been possible to negotiate the ransom fees with the rangers. And there are reports that in time for the local elections, rangers have been passive while herders have accessed the illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve”, at least in Oloipiri and Ololosokwan. In Malambo there were reports on 29th October, and following days, that rangers were burning grass at midnight to keep herders and livestock out. The same happened in September, which led to protest and reportedly even the DC asked NCAA to stop the burning.



On 15th October, there was good news from the high court in Musoma. Judge Komba rejected the appeal by the republic/DPP of the ruling that determined that the forfeitures (cattle rustling) by Serengeti rangers were unlawful. On 26th October 2023, rangers from Serengeti National Park seized cattle on village land in Loliondo and drove them to Lobo inside Serengeti, rushing to have them auctioned off as “unclaimed property” while the owners and local leaders were working hard to have them released. The magistrate court authorized the selling on 31st October 2023, and it went ahead, even after the high court in Musoma issued a stop order against it on 1st November 2023. The auctioning order was reversed on 10th November 2023 and Judge Komba ordered the matter to be heard interparty. There were no receipts from the auctioning that apparently had started already on 27th October 2023. On 7th November 2023, MP Emmanuel Oleshangai even spoke up in parliament about this scandal that appears to have been known at the highest levels in the ministry. The ruling in February this year made it clear that procedures were not adhered to and the amount in the Forfeited Assets Revenue Collection account after auctioning must be reimbursed to the cattle owners. The reimbursement is however lower than the real value of the cattle. There have been several cases of Serengeti rangers participating in government crime in Loliondo, but in this case at least there was something resembling justice.

 

In Ololosokwan there was reportedly interference by OBC in the election of village chairperson. Sadly, there isn’t any opposition candidate, but the incumbent CCM chairman John Kambaley Pyando has shown seriousness about the land and is not wanted by OBC. Pyando fled to Kenya during the illegal military demarcation attack in 2022. While he was absent, another person than the one appointed by Pyando ended up as acting chairman and showed some terrible weakness, or worse, about a zoning project supported by investors (suspicions are that this was an attempt to impose a WMA). Upon his return, Pyando put stop to this. I got a firsthand report that on 20th October, around 7pm at Pirianoi Nadengare’s boma, OBC’s fuel manager (a former friend of mine who around 2019 was very vocal in a deranged hate campaign against me) was distributing free fuel for some 100 motorbike drivers involved in the campaign of an opponent to Pyando. Claims that the fuel would have been bought in Ololosokwan were soon found to be untrue. However, there’s nothing indicating that the other CCM contestant would be positive to investor-friendly zoning, and much less to the illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve”. The point seems to have been to get rid of Pyando. It became even stranger on 23rd October when all voters’ ballots for the CCM election were publicly burned after allegation of fraud. The terrible district council chairman who’s a long-time OBC employee was present. Reportedly the aim was to remove confusion and start it all over. My source was chased away (not a CCM member) from the meeting to discuss the next move. Omari Bayuni from OBC (not a villager) was for some reason present on CCM election day 27th October. Pyando won by a landslide and will, since there isn’t any opposition candidate, continue as village chairman.

 


In Malambo, people are still registered at polling stations inside the stolen land now called “Pololeti Game Reserve" (area B). This happens in the sub-villages of Sanjan, Ndinyika and Irkarian. The names of the old polling stations are kept, but reportedly the voting is now slightly outside the stolen land. I need to get more details about this, but can't wait another month for publishing this blog post ...


Currently, groups of people - good, bad, and ugly - are moving around to prepare for a visit by the president on 1st December, in which, besides NCA, the issue of the illegal "Pololeti Game Reserve" is also supposed to be on the agenda. There's a lot of confusion and a huge risk of hijacking (see below). 

 

 

OBC’s “friends” working to have the stolen village land managed by TAWA

On 10th November. The anti-Maasai Kadoshi tv published a clip from Loliondo with the infamous non-pastoralist and since as long as I can remember wannabee corruptee Paul Dudui – a frantic, often deranged, defender of CCM and OBC - and the equally non-pastoralist district council chairman who since many years back is OBC’s community liaison, Mohammed Marekani Bayo. The clip seemed to confirm the claim that OBC are working to have the illegal “Pololeti GR” managed by the Tanzania Wildlife Authority, TAWA, instead of NCAA. The horrible Dudui thanks the president for dividing the land, but says that NCAA must work with local people, while Marekani complains that the district council with NCAA are not getting any money from OBC. In social media Dudui writes that “conservation stakeholders” (himself?) complain that NCAA has failed to strengthen conservation in the game reserve.

 

In November 2023, OBC’s own “journalist”, Manyerere Jackton wrote two long articles complaining about NCAA, to which NCAA swiftly responded, boasting about their worst crimes. The vile criminals literally boasted about between January and November 2023 having seized 6,165 goats and sheep, 13,217 heads of cattle, and extorted 785,475,000 TShs in “fines”. In a glossy publication from March 2024, by OBC themselves, they claim to have excellent relations with everyone, NCAA included. The theory is that OBC does not have such total control of NCAA - whose management has access to massive funds from Ngorongoro Conservation Area – as they have of TAWA. Others say that the conflict is exaggerated, and they are all working together against the Maasai. Indeed, despite any differences, they have common stance against the Maasai.

 

Not until 15th November was I alerted to that on 29th October, Manyerere Jackton had written another such “article”. The article – “Mambo si mambo Loliondo” is not online, and I was sad and disappointed that nobody shared it we me, or even alerted me when there was still time to get hold of it. Though after almost a week of screaming, on 21st November, a friend from Ngorongoro Division, not Loliondo, made some efforts and got hold of the “article”. Though even some people who are more important in this fight than I were not alerted, and a picture of the frontpage was available online, which I failed to notice. On the frontpage there’s a picture of cattle “illegally inside Pololeti GR last week”. It says “NCAA given a job that’s not legally theirs, TAWA sidelined”, “this new system causes a lot of new bureaucracy”, “two investors continue to benefit without paying taxes”, “wildlife lose protection after Loliondo is divided”. This describes the article that in many words complain about just this. It should be remembered that Manyerere Jackton usually writes what he thinks will please this investor, filling out with details that often are unnecessarily incorrect and even apparently irrelevant free flowing fabrications. Manyerere again writes that OBC paid 60,000 US dollars per year for 4,000 km2 and now pay 500,000 US dollars (some 1.2 billion TShs) for 1,502 km2 – forgetting that in 2022, via terrible government crime got the game reserve that they – and to some extreme extent the “reporter” himself – have been lobbying for. However, in these recent articles there isn’t much of Jackton’s deranged and slanderous fabrication about private individuals, which defined his work while campaigning to evict the Maasai from the 1,500 km2. Among Manyerere Jackton’s “recommendations”, he mentions WMAs outside the stolen land, which would be de facto further alienation of grazing and agricultural land. There’s no way that the “reporter” knows what a WMA is (and years ago he wrote in a very confused way about it) or would come up with such an idea himself.


 

As this blog post kept being unacceptably delayed and I was screaming for the first article, on 19th November, the Jamhuri published yet another Loliondo article by Manyerere Jackton and this time a friend of mine got the newspaper and sent me “Ngorongoro yalemewa”. It’s very similar to the pro-TAWA and anti-NCAA articles from a year ago. Jackton writes that NCAA offices and staff housing in the in the illegal “game reserve” are unfinished and in a state of ruin that demotivates the rangers. Most of the article makes claims of increased poaching after the OBC-funded anti-poaching squads with TAWA were removed, while NCAA are incompetent. Klein’s Camp and Taasa Lodge are again described as illegal, not paying taxes and fees, and accused of illegally bringing in tourists from Kenya. Klein’s are even accused of having had a kitchen garden that was removed after being reported by the Jamhuri … The district council, represented by OBC’s employee Marekani Bayo who is the council chairman, complains that the council no longer gets “25 %” (of government revenue from OBC, I suppose) and NCAA officers are suspected of being involved in poaching. The whole article is just an argument for bringing back TAWA and there’s not much new or revealing.

 


In a déjà vu from 2023. A statement from NCAA about the Jamhuri misleading the public, was available already the day after the second article, while I was still trying to get hold of the first article. It reminded me that it’s all just a distraction. Let NCAA and TAWA squabble, if that’s what they are doing, and it’s not just OBC’s “friends” wanting to show their relevance to the investor. It’s the game reserve itself that’s illegal. Focus must be kept of returning the land to the Maaasai landowners and the grass to Maasai cows.

 

In over 60 articles, since around 2010, with increased activity when Kagasheki’s threat was stopped in 2013, and whenever OBC’s long-time plan to have the Maasai evicted from the 1,500km2 was felt as endangered, and with apparent contented silence when major human rights crimes were being committed, Manyerere Jackton has viciously incited against the Maasai as destructive and non-Tanzanian, and published lists of hundreds of Maasai, private individuals, that his sources regard as “Kenyan”. Jackton has gone as far as claiming that 70% of the Loliondo Maasai are not Tanzanian. He has in the most deranged way slandered anyone suspected of being able to speak up for land rights. As said, besides running OBC’s errands, he’s filled up his articles with his own fabrications, sometimes for no apparent reason at all. Around 2016-2018, he was openly boasting about being directly involved in illegal arrests of innocent people and used to send me triumphant one-liners when someone had been arrested. After OBC’s director Isaack Mollel in 2019 was locked up in remand prison and extorted for plea bargaining, Jackton was much toned down, and after Mollel was out and back at work, the plan of getting rid of the Maasai had already started to look more promising, and there were no longer many articles. Now OBC has another “problem” that he wants to help them with.

 

TAWA's appreciation of OBC 

TANAPA manages wildlife in national parks, NCAA does so in Ngorongoro Conservation Area where there is no trophy hunting (and since 23rd August 2022 also in the illegal Pololeti Game Reserve), while TAWA manages wildlife everywhere else and with trophy hunting on their main agenda.

 

The monstrous game reserve threats

The very loudly and repeatedly (currently denied by some) game reserve threat that I’ve written about in several posts, turns the judicial misconduct by Judge Mwaseba into a danger far beyond Loliondo.

 

I remember with horror how in then (and now again) Minister Chana’s 2022-2023 budget speech it was announced that the government expected to upgrade twelve GCAs and two forests to game reserves, and Loliondo was among them. It seemed like a hugely ambitious evil wish and that there would be time to stop it – but only a few days later the brutal attack by security forces on Loliondo was launched. The threat is also in the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism’s Strategic Plan 2021/2022 – 2025/2026 that says, “The Ministry shall ensure Fifteen (15) Game Controlled Areas are upgraded to Game Reserves by June,2026;”



Since the horrible budget speech in early June 2022, besides the illegal “Pololeti GR” in Loliondo, one more game reserve has been alienated from villagers and that’s the equally illegal “Kilombero GR” (not in the northern zone) about which silence is quite compact, since those affected aren’t organized and pastoralists are in minority. The only news has been from TAWA, in February 2024, boasting about having seized 1,417 heads of cattle, and then Haki Ardhi has reported that on 19th September, TAWA invaded Shamba la 7 sub-village of Ijia, stealing properties and destroying two houses. The following day they ordered the 819 residents to leave within a week, alleging that they were inside the game reserve.  I had hardly even heard of Igombe GR in Kaliua District – gazetted in 2021 after first having been turned into Igombe and Sagara Wildlife Management Area (ISAWIMA) - before reading an article in the Chanzo (online media) in May that detailed widespread abuse committed by TAWA rangers, including murder and rape. The unreported cases could be many around Tanzania.

 

I’ve reported earlier about the presentation to Minister Angellah Kairuki by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism’s, leaked in February this year 2024, (reached me in early March), an evaluation of game controlled areas in the northern zone, in which the recommendation was to create no less than four new game reserves in this zone, which would signify an extreme alienation of grazing land making pastoralist lives and livelihoods inviable. The areas recommended for alienation and evictions of people and livestock are a proposed 747 km2“Lolkisale-Simanjiro Game Reserve”, a 1,501 km2“Mto Wa Mbu Game Reserve”, a 448 km2“Longido Game Reserve”, and a 3,918 km2“Lake Natron Game Reserve”. Further, there’s a recommendation to “allow” Wildlife Management Areas in “wildlife corridors” outside the proposed game reserves!

 


On 7th April Maasai in Simanjiro issued a statement in defence of their land, on 13th April Maasai traditional leaders from nine districts issued a statement against the horrible recommendations of the leaked evaluation and in March there were protest meetings in Longido.

 

On 3rd June, during the budget debate for the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, the MP for Simanjiro, Christopher Olesendeka, brought up the leaked document asking for the government’s position on it. Minister Kairuki said she did not have such a document on her desk, that it wasn’t official and that Olesendeka was only causing disquiet by mentioning it. The minister also said that the laws for “declaring GCAs” are known, and that in such case, it’s what’s will be done. Everyone had already seen the document and it had already caused disquiet, but the parliamentary confusion was not straightened out, at all.

 

In Longido District (not to be confused with Loliondo Division of Ngorongoro district) that’s been threatened with two game reserves, on 18th September, accompanying TAMISEMI Minister/president’s son in law, Mohamed Mchengerwa, hardcore criminal and Arusha RC Paul Makonda spoke big words to lessen fears about land alienation, and mentioned that not only the Maasai of Ngorongoro will meet the president, but also those worried about the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism’s recommendation on game controlled areas. He had received a report from traditional leaders and assured the audience that he had understood perfectly and that the ministry’s “evaluation” was just a recommendation, and nothing had been implemented. Further, he said that he would even take those from Loliondo, affected by the so-called “Pololeti GR” with him to see the president. As seen … in Loliondo the threat has indeed been implemented in the most brutal and lawless way since 2022. Makonda called on everyone to be calm and have patience and everything would be peacefully solved. Makonda can of course say anything, regardless of if it’s true or not, but can this be used in any way?Reportedly on 15th November two nasty traitor types took some kind of delegation to Dar es Salaam, expecting to see the president. On 17th November, meeting the press, on the occasion of six months as RC, in Arusha and with known imposters in the audience, Makonda, while talking about Ngorongoro (see below) briefly mentioned that Loliondo has been a “GCA since German colonial times”. Sadly, it seems like he has learnt to big GCA lie. Currently there's much confusion and different groups are moving around to organize this meeting. There's a big risk of hijacking. 

 

On 4th October, when visiting Arusha City Council and RC Makonda, Minister Mchengerwa, in a most absurd turn of events, lashed out at leaders that want to take pastoralists’ grazing land. The worst of them all is his mother-in-law! His main point was his GN No. 796 of 6th September 2024 relisting the villages in Ngorongoro Conservation Area (see below) and some other villages – the same villages that he had delisted in GN No. 673 of 2nd August 2024. This new rhetoric, however insincere, is welcome, but I’m considering that Mchengerwa may be genuinely stupid and doesn’t understand anything at all. During his brief time as Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism, Mchengerwa was quite militaristic, and in June 2023 promised that there will be no turning back, no surrender, in completing the Ngorongoro relocation exercise (not Loliondo). He probably has no idea about what a game controlled area is, but that would be something he has in common with most people.

 

New protests needed in Ngorongoro Conservation Area

Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA) is not about “Pololeti GR” (other than that the NCAA is managing this atrocity) and should not be mixed up with Loliondo… Still, I need to briefly mention the state of implementation of the government’s promises after mass protests in August. I don’t know how similar methods could be used in Loliondo where there isn’t mass tourism to block and not thousands of international tourists from whom government violence must be hidden.


 

In NCA, decades long restrictions, radically worsened after Samia Suluhu Hassan came into office in 2021, are used by the government to make the Maasai relocate. All permits for construction or renovation of schools or health facilities in the 25 villages of NCA, even those already with government funds in their accounts, or third-party donations, have since 2021 been denied by the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority, some of the funds transferred to Handeni, and since 2022 there’s a drive to manipulate the in every way suffocated Maasai to relocate to other people’s land, that in no way can accommodate pastoralism, almost 600 kilometres away. Further, the Msomera villagers – whose legally registered village that already had its own land use plan has been turned into a propaganda showcase for the government’s anti-Maasai drive - were “informed” at gunpoint and accused of having invaded a “protected area” (the big GCA lie again). The entrance of construction material into NCA has been blocked, herders regularly assaulted by rangers, residents harassed at Lodoare gate, ID is demanded, usually voter’s registration, and in August/September last year 2023 there were mass arrests, or abductions, including torture, and a police state similar to that of Loliondo has developed, even if there isn’t the kind of silence that too often falls over Loliondo like a stinking, damp cloth.

 

As reported in previous blog posts, on 29th July, a 1,115-page pdf document from the so-called Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC, formerly NEC) was being shared on WhatsApp. This document lists all stations for updating the Permanent Voters Register for the local elections on 27th November and the general elections in 2025. During the elections, the same premises serve as polling stations. Not a single station in the 25 villages of Ngorongoro Division/Ngorongoro Conservation Area of Ngorongoro District was found on the list. Already registered voters dialled *152*00# and found that they were registered at different stations in Msomera! To date there isn’t any explanation from authorities. Upon questions from media, INEC referred to TAMISEMI that in its turn referred to INEC. It’s of course INEC that handles these lists, but it was then – on 19th August, the second day of the protests, found that INEC was acting on an illegal Government Notice (GN) by the head of TAMISEMI, the president’s son in law, Mohamed Mchengerwa, that had delisted every single village in Ngorongoro division.

 

After mass protests blocking tourist vehicles on 18th August 2024 and mass protest gatherings until the seriously rattled government on 23rd August – via Ministers Lukuvi and Kabudi and RC Makonda - returned with big backtracking promises of restoration of social services, an end to harassment, and relisting of the 25 villages of Ngorongoro division that had very recently and shockingly been delisted by Minister Mchengerwa. The fast-approaching local elections were to proceed without any disturbance.

 

Implementation of social services promises: A team from the District Executive Director’s (DED) office, already on 26th August, set up camp in Ngorongoro division and started dealing with the for years wilfully paralyzed water problem at Ngorongoro Girls Secondary School in Alaitole, while local leaders engaged in totally brainless praise of the number one enemy of Ngorongoro, President Samia. Such brainless behaviour by the leaders has since been repeated several times …  A water pump was installed. However, not enough solar panels were brought (from Ngorongoro District Council, not bought new), so the teachers had to remove a 120-watt panel from one of the classrooms to use for the water pump, but the pump still had to be moved to Esere Primary School since it couldn’t pump enough water.

 

On 16th September, Ndian Primary School received 150 bags of cement for repair of its seriously cracked walls. A year ago, non-stop protest at Ndian Primary School 1st - 8th August 2023, to demand a repair permit (all such permits had been denied since 2021) resulted in mass arrests, abductions and torture. The Ndian headteacher has been asking the community to contribute some money for renovation despite of that the MP had declared that 78 million had been allocated for renovation and addition of more classes in the school.

 

On 13th November, DC Kanali Wilson Sakulo announced that repair of the road between Endulen and Embarway Secondary School had commenced. However, this is what the result looks like.


 

Reportedly, funds have been set aside for further renovation during school holidays, but for now that’s all after all renovation of schools has been paralyzed since 2021. So far there has not been any improvement to the deadly and purposeful neglect and defunding of health services.

 

Implementation of promises to end ranger harassment: Harassment of Ngorongoro residents at Lodoare gate has mostly stopped. On 16th September, vehicles belonging to Ngorongoro residents, that also serve as public transport, were blocked for one and a half hour at Lodoare gate, but I haven’t got any more such reports.

 

Contrary to the new presidential orders there has been harassment by rangers elsewhere and I fear a lot could go unreported. On 3rd September NCA rangers blocked a group of goat and sheep from getting water from Lake Ndutu, and on the 4th the rangers refused to let Maasai pass Endamaghai gate in Olpiro with their cattle.

 

On 13th September (I wasn’t informed until 8th October), Rorian Lendumu was detained for grazing in the Northern Highland Forest, taken to Karatu Police Station where he was first denied police bail, but it was granted the following day. On 2nd October he was taken to court, first denied court bail and then granted on the 3rd. A most confused charge sheet was shared, which mentioned Ngorongoro Conservation Area in “Karatu” district, and that the 71-year old Rorian would have illegally with livestock entered the conservation area where he has lived his entire life. On 10th October, the case against Rorian Lendumu was dismissed, since the Karatu court has no jurisdiction presiding cases from Ngorongoro.

 


On 3rd October, Isaya Moses and Ndaayi Tuke from Endulen were arrested and locked up at Ngorongoro Police Station. They were charged with building and repairing houses and bomas without permits and bringing building materials without permits. They were bailed out on 7th October. After postponements, the case was mentioned again on 29th October but with only one offence, "destruction of properties", referring to “environmental” destruction, where if one is found guilty the punishment is seven years in prison.

 

I’ve been told that last week ten people from Kakesio Ward were arrested and taken to the Endulen NCAA zonal office accused of building new houses. They were not taken to the police or to court and later returned to Kakesio.  

 

On the other hand, the delisted villages were indeed relisted, but using methods that set dangerous precedent, as did the deranged delisting itself.  On 16th September Minister/son in law Mchengerwa announced the boundaries of villages and sub-villages that will participate in the upcoming local government elections scheduled for 27th November. This was detailed in GN No. 796 of 2024, which reinstated the villages in Ngorongoro that had been delisted in GN No. 673 of 2nd August 2024 (publicly online on 19th August). According to Mchengerwa, this was done, “to ensure proper administrative representation and access to social and economic services that meet the needs of residents,”. He did not explain why he illegally delisted the villages in the first place. Accompanied by Arusha RC Makonda, Mchengerwa urged residents to register to the voters’ list and to prepare to contest for political office.

 

The weird and dangerous Olepose case

As mentioned in earlier blog posts, in the afternoon of 22nd August it was announced that an injunction had been issued by the court against the delisting of villages. The case was filed the same day as the injunction was granted, which is unheard of, and it was reported in media that would otherwise never report good news for the Maasai (all mainstream media). This case was fraudulently filed in the name of the activist and opposition supporter Isaya Olepose (current village chairperson candidate for CHADEMA) who had been in Ngorongoro since 6th August and had not filed any case or met the lawyer who was saying that he did so. There isn’t anyone else with the same name in Ngorongoro division. Also the lawyer - Ipilinga Panya - who according to court documents filed the application for Olepose, denied any knowledge of the case. The high speed granted injunction was reported to the speedily gathered government pleasing press by a lawyer called Peter Njau who looked less confident than lawyer usually do on such occasions. By the way, “panya” is rat in Swahili and “njau” is the mew of a cat, but those are the real names of those lawyers.

 

The Ngorongoro DED then, the same afternoon, announced that the election would go on as usual.  On 26th September the bizarre court case was mentioned. Advocate Njau appeared in Court and said Olepose was not able to attend but that they are not interested to continue with the case as the villages have been restored. Olepose – who was present in the courtroom - raised his hand and the judge asked, “Who are you?” Olepose said he’s the person named as Applicant, but that he does not know Advocate Njau. Njau said, “this is not Olepose my client, my client is a different person”. So the judge asked Olepose how he knew he’s the Applicant if he never instructed the lawyer to file the case. Olepose said because the name in the case is his, the Ward mentioned Endulen, village Nasipooriong and sub village Ormekeke mentioned is where he resides. So, the judge asked Olepose to produce his ID’s which he did. Then Njau said his client is from Nasipooriong village, Ormekeke sub village, Eyasi Ward (of course no such village there). Both Njau and Government lawyers kept insisting the case must be withdrawn, and more so because Olepose said the case was filed without his consent. Thereafter the judge directed that the case be rescheduled to 10th October and Njau bring the real Olepose and this Olepose who appeared in court must also come so the court can ascertain who is telling the truth. (Everybody involved knows that there’s only one Isaya Olepose in Ngorongoro Division).

 

On 10th October, the bizarre Olepose case was dismissed. The existing Olepose was present and insisted that those who opened a case in is name must be dealt with. This time the government had forged an ID and a birth certificate for the non-existing Olepose whom nobody has ever seen. Advocate Njau now claimed that he had only been in contact with Olepose via phone.

 

Advocate Joseph Oleshangay asks, “When judges conspire with the state to undermine the rights of individuals then, why do we have Courts?. Many countries fall into civil wars, tyranny and other problems because of a dysfunctional justice system leading to

1. Erosion of public Trust

2. Undermining rule of Law

3. Lawlessness or authoritarianism.

4. Selective accountability

5. Impunity and abuse of power.”

 

As mentioned in the previous blog post, in mid-September, in the High Court in Tanga, eight Msomera villagers with land titles sued one Ngorongoro migrant respectively that have invaded their farms. Among those sued are former MP Kaika Saning'o Telele and the supposed bishop Kivuyo. Besides the Ngorongoro migrant, each one of the eight Msomera villagers has also sued the Msomera Village Council, the Handeni District Council, and the Attorney General. I heard that summons had been issued and the government had started intimidating the applicants. The notorious Handeni DC, Albert Msando, publicly threatened those who filed a case. A few days thereafter, they were summoned by police and interrogated as to why they are planning to create a deadlock in the Msomera relocation exercise. It’s not that easy to obtain more information about these court cases. I just haven't got any updates.

 

The CCM candidate for Msomera village chairperson is the worse than useless councillor for Kakesio ward, Johanes Kisau Tiamasi, who is still listed as such, and attending meetings at Ngorongoro District Council, but has relocated to Msomera. Kakesio does not have ward councillor representing the ward. The genuine Msomera villagers have a CHADEMA opposition chairperson candidate, Martin Joseph Singoya, who was been arrested and locked up for a night for objecting to CCM’s choice of candidate – a current ward councillor from Ngorongoro District …

 

In Ngorongoro Division there are at least seven opposition candidates contesting for village chairs. Malambo (Sale Division) also has a CHADEMA village chair candidate and candidates for the sub-villages Malambo Madukani, Ng'ambolo, and Sanjan. Opposition candidates have been threatened and efforts made to disqualify them. The Endulen village chairperson candidate, Kitende Gabriel, was threatened and disqualified with the claims that he can't write and read and wasn't registered in the voters’ permanent register. Everyone knows it’s a lie, he's educated and everyone has communicated with him in written form on WhatsApp. Two sub-village candidates in Ngorongoro ward have also been disqualified, as have the Olbalbal and Bulati village chairperson candidates. Nationally such disqualification is rampant. Opposition politicians are threatened, abducted and disappeared at unknown location for months, or murdered like Ali Mohammed Kibao, and keep being arrested.

 


As mentioned above, on 17th November, RC Makonda celebrated six months as Arusha RC and met the press, with imposters previously used for fake Ngorongoro spectacles in the audience. His main message was that President Samia will meet with people from Ngorongoro on 1st December. The fear is now that this will be a closed meeting with traitors or imposters, and in Arusha. Reportedly, a team selected by MP Oleshangai has been in Karatu the past three days preparing for the visit, and in Loliondo several confused teams are said to be making plans.

 

On 21st November there was another Msomera propaganda spectacle when the NCAA board, led by retired general Mabeyo visited to praise the completion of 2,500 houses, built by Suma JKT (The National Service Corporation Sole) on land belonging to the Msomera villagers.

 

When will funds illegally diverted to Handeni be returned? When will Flying Medical Service be allowed to fly? Is access to the craters and northern highland forest undisturbed? When and how can those that have relocated due to the strangulation of social services return? Where is the government’s apology for the over three years of illegal restrictions, defunding and harassment?

 

Regarding Loliondo, I must repeat: Bring back mzee Oleng'iyo! Return the land to the Maasai! Uproot the illegal beacons! Shred President Samia’s lawless GN No.604 to pieces! Punish everyone involved in the brutal Loliondo land theft! Don’t let anyone who encouraged it get away!

 

Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service, not even CIA, and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com

@SusannaN2 on X

 

Please contact me with any questions about Loliondo. Never guess and never copy hurriedly written newspaper articles, or even reports by serious organizations, without double checking. Also, please contact me with any information you may have. Don’t assume that I’m getting it automatically. I must chase people 24-7 for information. While anyone with good intentions is allowed to use anything written in my blog, and I’ve long ago understood that many fear being associated with me, I appreciate being given credit or at least having my blog linked to.

 

 

 Updates:


27th November

Local elections. Ballot stuffing, murder, beating and illegal detention of opposition candidates. Ballot stuffing in Ngorongoro too. Reports from Nasipooriong'.

Ngorongoro MP chased away from Ormekeke polling station in Nasipooriong' village, Endulen ward. He's not registered to vote at this station, wanted to force his way in, but was stopped by voters. There were reports of ballot stuffing.


28th November

https://krautreporter.de/politik-und-macht/5639-deutschland-finanziert-einen-naturschutz-der-uns-vertreibt?shared=03cf63bb-4261-471a-8cda-641ef06d94d6&utm_campaign=share-url&utm_medium=editorial


29th November

Women from Msomera marched to the Tanga RC's office to protests being dispossessed for the benefit of Ngorongoro migrants. https://youtu.be/KETefMVGAY4


1st December




Brief and Incomplete Report about Loliondo, NCA, and the President’s Commissions, with Uncertainties About Latest Developments

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2024, another horrible year in Loliondo and Ngorongoro nears its end and for a change I’ll write a – relatively - brief blog post. Blog posts have this year been far too few and so lengthy that I fear nobody will read them. This is the result of that I’m no longer hearing from some important voices and  sometimes I must struggle to obtain basic information that should be shared speedily all-over. This leads to uncertainty and the need to hold off publishing, while there are new developments and the unpublished blog posts become longer and longer. Tough the fault lies also with my own strange sleepiness and lack of focus. I’m currently (at last) writing a “How Not to Write about Loliondo”-post, which is quite straight-forward about well-established events in the past that reporters, researchers and organizations still seem to insist on getting wrong. The problems with that post is finding the right tone and deciding how recent and significant the misinformation must be to get included.

 

This brief post will cover the uncertainty of recent news of two commissions set up by the president concerning Ngorongoro. These commissions are the result of the best news of the year 2024 – blocking of tourism traffic in Ngorongoro Conservation Area (Ngorongoro Division of Ngorongoro District) on 18th August 2024, followed by several days of mass protest gathering. The blocking and protests rattled the government to the extent of issuing promises (still hardly implemented at all) of backtracking on the strangulation of social services to make the Maasai relocate, and the reversal (implemented) of very recent and apparently deranged delisting of the villages of NCA and disenfranchisement of all voters. Fears are that the momentum from the protests has been lost when the government has yet again been allowed to set up “commissions”, which is habitual behaviour that’s never lead anywhere at all, if not to a worsening of the situation. In Loliondo (Loliondo Division and part of Sale Division that form the old Loliondo GCA) where in 2022, 1,502 km2 of grazing land was brutally and illegally turned into a game reserve, there hasn’t been any such good news. However, before and after a meeting with the president on 1st December, reports were that this illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve” would be included in the evaluation by the commissions, but the latest government statement with details has totally left out Loliondo.


Now, on New Years Eve, there are reports of police harassment against residents from Loliondo and Sale Divisions that have spoken up about the exclusion of "Pololeti Game Reserve" from the commissions. Apparently there are letters summoning NGO people, some councillors, and individuals like former CCM district chairman Ndirango Laizer to the Ngorongoro Security Committee on 4th January. 

 

In this blog post:

Loliondo

Loliondo and the president’s commissions

Remember what a GCA is and how such areas are threatened with game reserves

Ngorongoro Conservation Area

NCA and the president’s commission

Msomera and elections

 


Loliondo

OBC, that organize hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, has since 1992/1993 had the Loliondo hunting block (right to hunt) that’s the 4,000 km2 Loliondo Game Controlled Area (GCA). This GCA covers the whole of Loliondo Division of Ngorongoro District and part of Sale Division of the same district, including two towns with the head quarters of Ngorongoro District, agricultural areas, forest reserves and an ugly American land grab, which is why OBC have wanted it reduced to their 1,500 km2 core hunting area that’s important Maasai grazing land and legally registered village land, turning this land into a protected area. The Maasai have through years with a local police state that’s harassed anyone criticising OBC and the American operator Thomson Safaris (that claim a smaller private nature refuge outside the 1,500 km2), and illegal mass arson operations in 2009 and 2017, managed to keep the land until the advent of Tanzania’s most brutal and anti-pastoralist president ever – Samia Suluhu Hassan.

 

In the illegal demarcation operation by security forces that commenced on 10th June 2022, more than 150 people were arrested and over 40 seriously injured, over 2,000 fled across the border to Kenya. People were tortured and raped. The security forces stole motorbikes and phones and destroyed houses and other buildings. Orias Oleng’iyo, 84-year old, was injured by gunshot, taken by security personnel and has not been seen ever since. The habeas corpus case filed by his son was dismissed. One government official after the other landed in Loliondo to celebrate the military operation against the Maasai and issue threats. All councillors from affected wards, except one who fled, were abducted on the eve of the attack and held for over 5 months, charged with murder for a killing of a police officer that took place a day after they were abducted. Random people initially accused of having shared pictures of the violence were added to the murder charges that the government didn’t show any interest in investigating and then just dropped after many postponements. All cases against 132 people accused of being "Kenyans" were also eventually dropped. The last 62 people who still had such cases pending after the mass arrests in June and July were not discharged for want of prosecution until November. The government has boasted of tens of thousands of cattle seizures with extortionate “fines” (ransom payments) of 100,000 TShs per head of cattle. The loss of land, cattle, and the payment of “fines” has radically deepened poverty. On 28th August 2022, the illegal game reserve was placed under the management of Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (NCAA), as opposed to the Tanzania Wildlife Authority (TAWA). Friends of OBC suggest that the hunters prefer TAWA. Though even rangers from Serengeti National Park have several times illegally seized cattle in Loliondo to take them into the park and get authorization from courts west of the park to auction them off.

 

On 17th June 2022 Minister Pindi Chana – who currently is back as Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism (the president frequently moves her sycophants around between the ministries) - declared the illegally demarcated land a new kind of GCA (introduced in 2009-2010 to create confusion in which to steal land) that’s the same as a game reserve, “Pololeti Game Controlled Area”. With an ongoing court case against the minister’s new GCA, the president on 14th October 2022, declared the same land a game reserve. The minister’s order was by the court declared null and void for lack of the mandatory consultation and for having been replaced by the president’s government notice. Temporary orders to stop the operation of the game reserve until that case was determined were shamelessly violated by the government and the contempt of court case was dismissed.

 

Not only hunters from Dubai, but also the German development bank and Frankfurt Zoological Society exert horribly negative influence in Loliondo (and elsewhere) – to the extent of funding and facilitating the draft Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2023-2043 that was meant to – after the crime was committed – legalize the brutal land theft. Fortunately, this draft has twice been rejected by Ngorongoro District Council (not that the government cares). In late November, quite good articles (one in German and one in English) by a German reporter, Benjamin Hindrichs, were published detailing how German funds are used to dispossess the Maasai. Many aspect are left out, but the article is remarkably correct compared to almost all written about Loliondo. Though somewhat unclear if the author has understood what Loliondo GCA is. I should celebrate, but am overcome by bitterness that not the tiniest link to my blog was included (the author very well knows how justified this bitterness is).

 

The ruling, on 24th October 2024, in the case concerning the president’s government notice declaring the equally illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve” was quite scandalous, based on big and obvious lies about what a game controlled area is and on forged, illogically backdated, documents. This kangaroo court ruling is being appealed. For more details, in November I wrote about the ruling.

 

At least, in the East African Court of Justice (EACJ), continues Reference No.37 of 2022 Megweri Mako & 5 Others vs. Attorney General of Tanzania concerning the brutal 2022 theft of the 1,502 km2 in Loliondo for a protected area. This court is operating again after having been paralysed for months due to lack of funds. Though as far as I know, there’s not any hearing scheduled for this extremely important case.

 

In the EACJ, there is also the case concerning the brutal mass arson operation of 2017 (as opposed to the 2022 land theft for a game reserve). On 29th November 2023, the Appellate Division of the EACJ allowed Appeal No.13 of 2022 and remitted Reference No.10 of 2017 back to the trial court. In the first ruling there was judicial hooliganism, with the judges (one of them was the son of a Kenyan grabber of Maasai land) behaving strangely with last minute postponements during the brutal military demarcation attack on Loliondo in 2022 that flagrantly violated temporary court orders, and the writing of the ruling indicated that they could not have understood anything of what the witnesses were saying. The ruling was exactly what the Tanzanian government wanted in 2018 when they for some time had left the horrible lie claiming that Loliondo GCA was a protected area, and instead were saying that that the 2017 operation took place in Serengeti National Park and not on village land, which their own documents show is not true, but the court found that the Maasai had not been able to prove. The judges have also dismissed the contempt of court case without even giving the applicants’ lawyers a chance to argue the application in court. The appeal of the contempt ruling is ongoing and had a scheduling conference in November.

 

2024 has been less catastrophic than 2022 and 2023, because of exceptionally wet conditions. Proper reports from the ground have been hard to get, but while there have been terrible cases of the extortionate “fines” for seized livestock, it seems like those have often been negotiable, and leading up to local elections in November it was reported that rangers stayed passive. The latest I heard from Ololosokwan was that there isn’t much ranger patrolling, since patrol roads are destroyed by the rain. Cattle are seen resting during the day which means that they grazed during the night. This denotes fear of rangers and increased risk from the somewhat less destructive four-legged predators.

 

Loliondo and the president’s commissions

While the blocking of tourism traffic, followed by mass protests gatherings that rattled the government to the extent of issuing promises of backtracking, took place in NCA and not Loliondo, on 18th September, in Longido District (not to be confused with Loliondo Division of Ngorongoro district) that’s been threatened with two game reserves, accompanying TAMISEMI (PO-RALG) Minister/president’s son in law, Mohamed Mchengerwa, hardcore criminal and Arusha RC Paul Makonda spoke big words to lessen fears about land alienation, and mentioned that not only the Maasai of Ngorongoro will meet the president, but also those worried about the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism’s extremely dangerous recommendation (leaked in February 2024) of creating game reserves in game controlled areas, assuring everyone that this was indeed only a recommendation and nothing had been implemented. Further, he said that he would even take those from Loliondo, affected by the so-called “Pololeti GR” with him to see the president. And in Loliondo the threat has indeed been implemented in the most brutal and lawless way since 2022. Makonda called on everyone to be calm and have patience and everything would be peacefully solved. However, on 17th November, meeting the press, on the occasion of six months as RC, in Arusha and with known imposters in the audience, Makonda, while talking about Ngorongoro briefly mentioned that Loliondo has been a “GCA since German colonial times”. It seems like he had learnt the government’s horrible GCA lie that can be applied to any of the huge areas of village land that also are GCAs.

 

On 1st December, the meeting with the president took place in Arusha, not Ngorongoro. It was a closed meeting, with many representatives (reportedly all close to the MP, but certainly not outright traitors or imposters) from Ngorongoro and indeed also Loliondo, but adding some horrible people with a history as imposters, like Lekisongo from Monduli who repeatedly has been used by the government to falsely represent the Ngorongoro Maasai. The only video clip that has been shared is one of the president announcing two commissions, one for land issues and one for the relocation to Msomera. Then she started attacking pastoralists as is her habit. Not just in that clip … The president does not name Loliondo, but those “mapori” that had been mentioned by the Maasai, giving the impression that she couldn’t recall the names. In Swahili, “pori tengefu” is GCA and “pori la akiba” is game reserve. Though people have told me that Loliondo was very much mentioned. Everyone had understood either that the commission evaluating land was to be about Loliondo, or both Loliondo and NCA, and the other one about NCA/Msomera scam.



No other video clip has been shared. There’s nothing from what the Maasai were saying. Eventually, thanks to an international organization, CELEP, that published it, not any of my friends, I got hold of what the “community” presented to the president, but in an English version. There are several pages about NCA and the Msomera scam while Loliondo is only briefly mentioned, but in a very correct and serious way, including the game reserve threat against to the Lake Natron area (part of it in Ngorongoro District) and other areas all over the country. It’s so brief that I can copy and paste it here, without correcting grammar and spelling, which I’m anyway not an expert at myself:

“Since establishment of Pololeti Game Reserve in 2022, much has happened those affected lives and livelihood of the resident of Loliondo. Before establishment of Pololeti Game Reserve, paramilitary groups were deployed to forcefully evict people lawfully residing in the impacted area. Government has sized and confiscated tenth of thousands of livestock afterward that has ruined family economy and impacted livelihoods. Official used this process to weaponized citizenship of resident of Loliondo to justify exclusion.

 

Recommendation

Loliondo Residents Request your excellency to

1. Revisit the government decision to annex 14 affecting 1502 square kilometers village land

and establish Pololeti game without consulting the affected villagers and create Pololeti

Game Reserve and Return back the grabbed land.

2. While considering annulling your decision to establish Pololeti Game Reserve, we make

an urgent request that you make directives to allow immediate grassing access for

livestock. This will help to restore the affected Loliondo Residents livelihoods.

3. Stop the pastoralists eviction and militarizing conservation across northern Tanzania.

4. Form a participatory presidential Commission to investigate the eviction process and come

up with legal recommendations on the land impacted by Pololeti Game Reserve and other areas threatened by establishment of Game Reserve.

5. Direct for stoppage of police harassment in the name of illegal immigrants in Loliondo

6. Immediately stop a proposed plan to upgrade the Lake Natron villages land to a game

reserve and other's pastoralist areas in the entire country.”


Alarmingly, when on 23rd December, the members of the two commissions were announced (more about that below), not only were those all government people, except from two representatives from NCA in each committee, but both commissions are expressly described as concerning Ngorongoro Conservation Area, not Ngorongoro District, and Loliondo is certainly not even mentioned.


On 27th December, but not released by Watetezi tv until the 30th, as a reaction to the commissions formed exclusively for Ngorongoro Division, women from Loliondo and Sale Divisions issued a statement urging the president to form a participatory commission – not dominated by people from the government system – to deal with the land Loliondo land conflict. An interview with former CCM district chairman Ndirango Laizer and the deputy chairman of the traditional leaders of Ngorongoro, Kiaro Kubany, was published on the 27th. 

Others say that a section of leaders such as councillors still believe that they can engage the government to reclaim their space in the formed commissions. “While some of us believe that the last resort is mass action”. 


As mentioned, latest reports, now, on New Years Eve, are of police harassment against residents from Loliondo and Sale Divisions that have spoken up about the exclusion of "Pololeti Game Reserve" from the commissions. Apparently there are letters summoning NGO people, some councillors, and individuals like former CCM district chairman Ndirango Laizer to the Ngorongoro Security Committee on 4th January.


Remember what a GCA is and how such area are threatened with game reserves

It must always be remembered that the 1,502 km2 stolen to create “Pololeti Game Reserve” have been owned and used as Maasai grazing land for centuries, before and during colonial times, under customary ownership, which was recognized by the Land Act No.3 of 1923. The Maasai evicted from Serengeti in 1959 moved to both NCA and Loliondo. In the 1970s the villages in Loliondo and Sale were registered under the Village and Ujamaa Villages Act, then in 1982 under the Local Government (District Authorities) Act – could enter legally binding contracts on their own behalf - and got further protection as village land belonging to the village assembly (all adult villagers) managed by the village council under Village Land Act No.5 of 1999. The enormously malicious government lie is that the remaining 2,498 km2 – that contain two towns, district headquarters, the DC’s office, a prison built in the 1920s, the magistrate court, hospitals and schools, agricultural land, forest reserves and a nasty “nature refuge” grabbed by Thomson Safaris – has been generously gifted to the community and that a “protected area” has been “reduced”. Huge areas all over Tanzania are GCAs and the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism has announced its recommendation to repeat the crime committed in Loliondo – alienating huge wildlife-rich livestock grazing areas wanted for tourism hunting and destroying pastoralist lives and livelihoods - and without doubt use the same lie to justify it. In Minister Chana’s 2022-2023 budget speech it was announced that the government expected to upgrade twelve GCAs and two forests to game reserves, and Loliondo was among them. It seemed like a hugely ambitious evil wish and that there would be time to stop it – but only a few days later the brutal attack by security forces on Loliondo was launched. The threat is also in the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism’s Strategic Plan 2021/2022 – 2025/2026 that says, “The Ministry shall ensure Fifteen (15) Game Controlled Areas are upgraded to Game Reserves by June, 2026;”



And as reported in several blog posts, in February 2024 a presentation to then Minister Angellah Kairuki by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism’s, leaked in February this year 2024, an evaluation of game controlled areas in the northern zone, in which the recommendation was to create no less than four new game reserves in this zone, which would signify an extreme alienation of grazing land making pastoralist lives and livelihoods inviable. The areas recommended for alienation and evictions of people and livestock are a proposed 747 km2 “Lolkisale-Simanjiro Game Reserve”, a 1,501 km2 “Mto Wa Mbu Game Reserve”, a 448 km2 “Longido Game Reserve”, and a 3,918 km2 “Lake Natron Game Reserve” (part of it in Ngorongoro District). Further, there’s a recommendation to “allow” Wildlife Management Areas (land alienation while nominally still village land) in “wildlife corridors” outside the proposed game reserves!

 


Ngorongoro Conservation Area

Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA) is not about “Pololeti GR” (other than that the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority is managing this atrocity) and should not be mixed up with Loliondo/Sale. The Loliondo/Sale Maasai are not targeted by the Msomera scam. Hunting is not allowed in NCA.

 

In NCA, decades long restrictions, much instigated by UNESCO (details about this in several blog posts) radically worsened after Samia Suluhu Hassan came into office in 2021, are used by the government to make the Maasai relocate. All permits for construction or renovation of schools or health facilities in the 25 villages of NCA, even those already with government funds in their accounts, or third-party donations, have since 2021 been denied by the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority, some of the funds transferred to Handeni, and since 2022 there’s a drive to manipulate the in every way suffocated Maasai to relocate to other people’s land, that in no way can accommodate pastoralism, almost 600 kilometres away. Further, the Msomera villagers – whose legally registered village that already had its own land use plan has been turned into a propaganda showcase for the government’s anti-Maasai drive - were “informed” at gunpoint and accused of having invaded a “protected area” (the big GCA lie again). The entrance of construction material into NCA has been blocked, herders regularly assaulted by rangers, residents harassed at Lodoare gate, ID is demanded, usually voter’s registration, and in August/September last year 2023 there were mass arrests, or abductions, including torture, and a police state similar to that of Loliondo has developed, even if there isn’t the kind of silence that too often falls over Loliondo like a stinking, damp cloth.

 

As reported in several blog posts, on 29th July, a 1,115-page pdf document from the so-called Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC, formerly NEC) was being shared on WhatsApp. This document listed all stations for updating the Permanent Voters Register for the local elections on 27th November and the general elections in 2025. During the elections, the same premises serve as polling stations. Not a single station in the 25 villages of Ngorongoro Division/Ngorongoro Conservation Area of Ngorongoro District was found on the list. Already registered voters dialled *152*00# and found that they were registered at different stations in Msomera. So were already deceased people, including the late former MP. To date there isn’t any explanation from authorities. Upon questions from media, INEC referred to TAMISEMI that in its turn referred to INEC. It’s of course INEC that handles these lists, but it was then – on 19th August, the second day of the protests, found that INEC was acting on an illegal Government Notice (GN) by the head of TAMISEMI, the president’s son in law, Mohamed Mchengerwa, that had delisted every single village in Ngorongoro division.


Late MP William Olenasha's voter's card showing that he was registered to vote at the Osinoni School polling station in Kakesio, Ngorongoro. He passed away on 27th September 2021, before anything about the Msomera plan was even leaked. Then the message showing that he was transferred to the Lolouwarak polling station in Msomera four years after his death.



After mass protests blocking tourist vehicles on 18th August 2024 and mass protest gatherings until the seriously rattled government on 23rd August – via Ministers Lukuvi and Kabudi and RC Makonda - returned with big backtracking promises of restoration of social services, an end to harassment, and relisting of the 25 villages of Ngorongoro division that had very recently and shockingly been delisted by Minister Mchengerwa. The fast-approaching local elections were to proceed without any disturbance.


 

Implementation of social services promises: Reportedly, there has not been more implementation than a water pump installed Esere Primary School – initially meant for Ngorongoro Girls Secondary School. Not enough solar panels were brought (from Ngorongoro District Council, not bought new), so the teachers had to remove a 120-watt panel from one of the classrooms to use for the water pump, but then it still had to be moved to the Esere Primary. Then in September, Ndian Primary School received 150 bags of cement for repair of its seriously cracked walls. A year ago, non-stop protest at Ndian Primary School 1st - 8th August 2023, to demand a repair permit (all such permits had been denied since 2021) resulted in mass arrests, abductions and torture. The Ndian headteacher has been asking the community to contribute some money for renovation despite of that the MP had declared that 78 million had been allocated for renovation and addition of more classes in the school. On 13th November, DC Kanali Wilson Sakulo announced that repair of the road between Endulen and Embarway Secondary School had commenced. Still, such repair is barely noticeable. That’s it. More repair were announced for the school holidays, but as far as I know, nothing of this has been seen. There isn’t any improvement to the deadly and purposeful neglect and defunding of health services, and the life-saving Flying Medical Services continue grounded.

 

Reportedly, harassment of Ngorongoro residents at Lodoare gate has mostly stopped, but as reported in earlier posts, there have been incidents of blocking of livestock from watering at and on 4th September the rangers refused to let Maasai pass Endamaghai gate in Olpiro with their cattle.

 

Then Rorian Lendumu was detained for grazing in the Northern Highland Forest, taken to Karatu Police Station where he was first denied police bail. On 2nd October he was taken to court, first denied court bail and then granted on the 3rd. The charge sheet mentioned Ngorongoro Conservation Area in “Karatu” district, and that the 71-year old Rorian would have illegally with livestock entered the conservation area where he has lived his entire life. The case against was dismissed, since the Karatu court has no jurisdiction presiding cases from Ngorongoro.

 

On 3rd October, Isaya Moses and Ndaayi Tuke from Endulen were arrested and locked up at Ngorongoro Police Station. They were charged with building and repairing houses and bomas without permits and bringing building materials without permits. They were bailed out on 7th October. After postponements, the case was mentioned again on 29th October but with only one offence, "destruction of properties", referring to “environmental” destruction, where if one is found guilty the punishment is seven years in prison. The case is again postponed.

 

I was told that ten people from Kakesio Ward were arrested and taken to the Endulen NCAA zonal office accused of building new houses. They were not taken to the police or to court and later returned to Kakesio. 

 

On the other hand, the delisted villages were indeed relisted, but using methods that set dangerous precedent, as did the deranged delisting itself.  On 16th September Minister/son in law Mchengerwa announced the boundaries of villages and sub-villages that were to participate in the local government elections scheduled for 27th November. This was detailed in GN No. 796 of 2024, which reinstated the villages in Ngorongoro that had been delisted in GN No. 673 of 2nd August 2024 (publicly online on 19th August). According to Mchengerwa, this was done, “to ensure proper administrative representation and access to social and economic services that meet the needs of residents,”. He did not explain why he illegally delisted the villages in the first place. Accompanied by Arusha RC Makonda, Mchengerwa urged residents to register to the voters’ list and to prepare to contest for political office. However, this was followed by disqualification attempts against opposition candidates and reports of ballot stuffing.


On 13th November 2024, six applicants from Ngorongoro Division filed the amazingly detailed Miscellaneous Civil Cause No. 000028736 of 2024, William Oleseki and 5 others versus INEC and the Attorney General, about illegal transfer of voters’ information and polling stations to Msomera. It was firstly mentioned on 15th November and then again on 22nd November, before Judge Mwenda. On 4th December, the respondents filed a quite preposterous counter affidavit. The case – that should have its own blog post - will be mentioned on 18th February 2025. 

 

NCA and the president’s commissions

As mentioned above, the NCA community recommendations brought to the president on 1st December are long and detailed, but the general request are:

“1. We request for your public statement to stop all forms of harassment against the

residents of the Ngorongoro. We seek to live in peace and tranquillity within our

area without being mistreated by conservation authorities and other state

operatives.

2. We request permits for the construction of all community services, such as schools,

health centers, road infrastructure, and water projects, to be granted to improve our

living conditions.

3. We request the formation of an independent commission with various stakeholders

to develop a proper land use plan.

4. We request greater community participation in all matters affecting the community.

5. We request the suspension of the relocation exercise, as it is fraught with deceit,

propaganda against Maasai community, and significant bureaucratic hurdles.

6. We request the reinstatement of the Pastoralists Council to continue being a key

mediator and link between the community and the Ngorongoro Conservation

Authority. In line with this, we request the appointment of at least five community

representatives on the Authority's Board.

7. We request the removal of any obstacles preventing indigenous people from

returning home with their vehicles. Entry should be freely without paying to return

to their homes.”

 

In the section about Loliondo I mentioned the 1st December meeting with select (by the MP) “community members” and imposters from elsewhere. In the brief clip, the president talks about how “scientific” the commissions will be, which is a warning flag when the problem is political. Unsurprisingly, all commission members – revealed on 23rd December - are government people: retired ministers, principal secretaries, ambassadors, and judges, presidential advisors and a two university professors. Included is even someone known for having had the anti-Maasai function as former Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism, Zakia Meghji. There are only four Ngorongoro representatives, two in each commission, and all of them are CCM ruling party figures. In the land commission are the councillor and Pastoral Council secretary James Moringe and the special seats councillor Moi Arpakwa Sikorei. In the “voluntary” relocation commission are the councillor and Pastoral Council chairman Edward Maura and the Esere Primary School teacher Rehema Moisare. While sometimes making strong statements, Moringe and Maura are known for seeking compromise with the government. There are Ngorongoro residents with scientific expertise, but those were not considered. Anyone orientated towards opposition politics is of course unthinkable.

 





It's unclear what the commission concerning land will deal with. Unlike in Loliondo, there isn’t any recent land alienation. The Maasai were evicted from residing in Ngorongoro Crater in 1974/1975 (when I write like this it’s because there was a change in the law in 1974 and evictions at gunpoint in 1975). In December 2016, effective 2017, PM Kassim Majaliwa issued orders stopping access to water and saltlicks in the crater, and the craters Olmoti and Empakaai – by order and not by any change to the NCA Act - which has led the loss of 90% of grazing and water for Nainokanoka, Ngorongoro, Misigiyo wards, and a 100% loss of natural saltlicks for livestock in these wards. These restrictions could be prevented if rangers stop harassing herders. The worst fear is that the government’s plan is to move forward with land alienation like in the genocidal Multiple Land Use Model review proposal that was presented in September 2019, which included the Loliondo land theft in the form (two areas) that was brutally an illegally demarcated in 2022.

 

The commission concerning the “voluntary” relocation does of course not include any representative from Msomera where villagers were informed at gunpoint that they didn’t have any right to their own land.

 

Msomera and elections

I’ve  not been able to get any updates from the cases in the High Court in Tanga. As mentioned in several blog posts, eight Msomera villagers with land titles sued one Ngorongoro migrant respectively that have invaded their farms. Among those sued are former MP Kaika Saning'o Telele and the supposed bishop Kivuyo. Besides the Ngorongoro migrant, each one of the eight Msomera villagers has also sued the Msomera Village Council, the Handeni District Council, and the Attorney General. The notorious Handeni DC, Albert Msando, publicly threatened those who filed a case. A few days thereafter, they were summoned by police and interrogated as to why they are planning to create a deadlock in the Msomera relocation exercise.

 

On 29th November, women from Msomera marched to the Tanga RC's office to protest being dispossessed for the benefit of Ngorongoro migrants. On Boxing Day, these women held another protest, against the DC intervening in the local elections, removing the Msomera CCM candidate and replacing him with the Ngorongoro migrant Johanes Kisau Tiamasi, who is still the councillor for Kakesio ward, attending meetings at Ngorongoro District Council, but has relocated to Msomera. Kakesio does not have a councillor representing the ward. The genuine Msomera villagers had a CHADEMA opposition chairperson candidate, Martin Joseph Singoya, who was arrested and locked up for a night for objecting to CCM’s choice of candidate. Now Tiamisi is both councillor in Ngorongoro and village chairperson in Msomera.

 


The day of local elections, nationally there were reports of ballot stuffing, murder of three opposition politicians, beating and illegal detention of opposition candidates. In Ngorongoro the MP was chased away from Ormekeke polling station in Nasipooriong' village, Endulen ward. He's not registered to vote at this station, wanted to force his way in, but was stopped by voters. There were reports of ballot stuffing. CCM won by 99 %  in all street, village and sub-village elections across the country, which speaks for itself. I can’t happen anywhere where election fraud is moderate.


 

2025 is election year, general elections in Tanzania, and arrests, enforced disappearances, and even murder of opposition politicians is rampant. How can a repeat of the election fraud and violence of 2020, in which  Salula Ngorisiolo lost his life when police and NCA rangers opened fire at unarmed voters protesting open and shameless election theft at Oloirobi polling station, be avoided?

 

The Chanzo recently publishedan article by Joseph Oleshangay asking many questions about the implications of the attempted disenfranchisement of all voters from Ngorongoro Division.

Now at the end of the year, the New African magazine recognized Joseph as one of the top 100 Most Influential Africans.

 

Talking about Joseph, who has certainly made some Europe trips and visited the European parliament, among the best news from 2024 was the announcement on 7th June, that Tanzania had been removed from EU's NatureAfrica scheme for which the European Commission had allocated 18 million euros. There were also new conditions that indigenous and local people's rights must be respected. This is so much more powerful than statements of concern or condemnation and almost unprecedented. Though, sadly, Germany continues as frantically as ever funding and facilitating the crimes of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism.

 

Let 2025 be the year that the beacons marking the fake and illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve” in Loliondo and Sale are uprooted and the year that sees the end of all torture of the Maasai of Ngorongoro Division to make them “relocate”. Make it the end of the presidency of the evil Samia Suluhu Hassan and her war against the Maasai.

 

Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service, not even CIA, and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com

 

@SusannaN2 on X

@susanna-nordlund.bsky.social on Bluesky

 

Please contact me with any questions about Loliondo. Never guess and never copy hurriedly written newspaper articles, or even reports by serious organizations, without double checking. Also, please contact me with any information you may have. Don’t assume that I’m getting it automatically. I must chase people 24-7 for information. While anyone with good intentions is allowed to use anything written in my blog, and I’ve long ago understood that many fear being associated with me, I appreciate being given credit or at least having my blog linked to.

 

 

 

 


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